Objectives and Strategies of China's Foreign Policy in Central Asia
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article
2014
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The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an extraordinary opportunity for China to enforce political and economic process in the Central Asian region. Proximity of the border of China and the Central Asian countries with rapid economic growth of China, have imposed certain conditions on Central Asian countries' relations with it. In general, bilateral relations between China and the countries of this region are not excepted from universal process of economic diplomacy of Beijing. Existence of considerable energy resources in strategic region of Central Asia has caused Beijing to pay more attention to the region. In addition to geopolitical neighborhood and special importance of this region for China, Beijing leaders are developing economic relations with countries in the region as their foreign policy agenda to maintain social and political stability inside the country, particularly in border areas such as Xinjiang. The insecurity in the western borders of Muslim province of Xinjiang, which is on the border of China and Central Asian countries; has forced China to develop relations with the Central Asian republics. Also, the influence of United States on Central Asia after September 11, 2001 has been a far-fetched incident for the Chinese and overall strategy of China towards its neighbors. The combination of these factors affected Chinese foreign policy and its conduced of objectives and interests in the Central Asian has undergone special considerations and strategies. The main question of this article is that whether China can upgrade its position as to the first grade in competition with the major powers to become the first power in the Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that, due to the increasing presence of US and Russia in the economy of the region, China probably cannot gain first place in relations with Central Asian states until the next decade.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
1
29
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12325_fbd86a3f03055443f8d9aedbf3eb488c.pdf
Russian's Security Policy towards New Afghanistan
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article
2014
per
The withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan marginalized Afghan issue in the minds of Russian authorities until they found the roots of Russia's separatist movements in Afghanistan under Taliban. September 11th event unveiled new dimensions of terrorism and potential and actual threats of ruling fundamentalists in Afghanistan. Then US invasion of Afghanistan provided opportunities for Russian Federation to have a more active role in international relations and the so-called fight against terrorism. This study seeks to answer this question: “What is the Russian Federation's Security Policy towards New Afghanistan (after the September11, 2001)?” The paper argues that the Russian Federation has largely security interests in curbing and controlling extremism and terrorism in Afghanistan. Accordingly Russia tried to consolidate and strengthen its relations with NATO in Afghanistan, while established and strengthened multilateral security arrangements such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security treaty. Furthermore the Russian Federation has tried to strengthen its relations with Kabul government in different ways.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
31
61
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12326_a0cf8662f271780560568214784483d9.pdf
Islamic Republic of Iran and The Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO); 20 Years after the Expansion of the Organization
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article
2014
per
The collapse of the Soviet Union which resulted in the independence of six Muslim populated republics in Central Asian and Caucuses also provided the three founding members of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) with the opportunity to expand this organization in February 1992. During 20 years after its expansion, ECO has been moving forward, although with ups and downs. During this period, the organization has prepared the necessary framework and foundation for the economic integration and convergence of its member states through different measures and initiatives such as: the preparation of basic documents, action plans, long term strategies, priority setting, and finalizing important regional agreements in main sub-sectors of cooperation.
Due to various reasons, for Iran, ECO is not a choice, but an inevitable option to reach its goals for national and regional development. ECO is the only intergovernmental entity in the Iranian territories that relies, to a larger extent on the decisive role of Iran to implement its programs. The main question, here, is that taking into consideration the achievements of ECO during 20 years of its activities, what role the organization has played in the regional strategy of Iran? Could it help to achieve the objectives of economic regionalism of Iran? Reciprocally, what role Iran has played in the success and failure of ECO? To answer such questions, the main hypothesis of this research is that in spite of a more supportive role and active participation of Iran in ECO, comparing to other member countries, lack of a long -term strategy vis – a – vis ECO in Iran's foreign policy caused a very slow process to achieve its objective for regional convergence through this organization. In answer to questions and inquiries in this regard, the author of the paper is trying to review 20 years of ECO performance and its relations with Iran.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
63
100
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12327_ae934ca0cb0258281207b0451768dec4.pdf
The Developing of Soft Power in Russian Foreign Policy (2000-2013)
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article
2014
per
Since 2007, the issue of soft power entered into literature of Russian foreign policy. This concept that now is being specially pursued by the Kremlin, originated from various sources and sometimes conflicting. Contrary to what Joseph Nye - soft power's theorist - presented the main sources of such a power are governmental and not civil;
This article fries to find out the essence soft power in Russia and how this country has been able to apply the soft power policy in its foreign policy.
Main question this article is: what is the nature of Russia's soft power and how much is success rate of this country when using this tool? This paper reviews transformations of soft power In Russia's foreign policy in two sections: first, it investigates the soft power connection with major events of commensurate with the Russia's position in international politics. Then most important elements, including the Russian language, culture and values of this country, along with other international phenomena such as virtual network connections and benefit from the wide field of higher education, will be analyzed. The article claims that despite efforts to employ soft power in Russia in recent years, its success has been limited.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
101
125
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12332_a1e660b3c7a58218340f5ed3d28970dd.pdf
Governmental Programs and Bureaucratic Corruption in Russia
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article
2014
per
Bureaucratic corruption is an ominous phenomenon with a long history in Russia and negative effects on its economic, political, social and human development. In fact, this is one of the most important barriers to development and modernization of Russia. So, the Russian government always, try to fight with this problem somewhat; But inclusiveness, complexity, diversity and the systematic nature of corruption in recent years, politicians has made Russian fight more seriously against that and pursue an anti- corruption policy in Russia. With this approach, actions have taken place, in order to fight against corruption from various administrations, but yet success in this regard cannot be seen.
This article is a descriptive and analytical research based on Russian data and sources. In addition to the expressing general factors and the consequences of corruption, it explains main obstacles of fighting against corruption in the Russian Federation. Therefore the main question of this article is that “why the programs of Russian government have been ineffective in the Fight against corruption?” The hypothesis of this article is that “the power of Russia oligarchy is the main barrier preventing the effectiveness of the anti-corruption programs of Russian government”.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
127
161
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12333_33b2c7089472d8c5d3dfe91a49a394e3.pdf
Discursive Study of Continuity and Change of Iran’s Foreign Policy Principles in South Caucasus
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article
2014
per
Fundamental changes have occurred in Iran's Foreign Policy, by Islamic Revolution and special principles were formed in Islamic Republic of Iran’s Foreign Policy. These principles in different sub-discourses have experienced ebb and flow. A decade after of the Islamic Revolution, independent countries were born in Caucasus. This region gained significant position in the framework of “look North” policy. By the end of the eight year war and the necessity of occurred internal restrictions, discourse changes occurred in foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Regional policy in the South Caucasus was not exempt from this issue. So these questions are raised: What is the dominant discourse of Iran’s foreign Policy in South Caucasus? How continuity and change has occurred in Iran's foreign policy principles toward South Caucasus? The hypothesis of this article is that: geopolitical discourse in the South Caucasus has achieved a hegemonic status in Iran’s foreign policy and foreign policy principles are survived in a more flexible form.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
19
v.
84
no.
2014
163
193
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_12334_74f1c832b3ad239b8e0c27003725d41a.pdf