The Challenges of Peace in Afghanistan
Seyed Jalal
Firoz Abadi
Professor of Allameh Tabataba’i University,Tehran, Iran.
author
Khalil
Shirgholami
PhD Candidate of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba’i University,Tehran,
Iran
author
text
article
2015
per
The role of norms in behavior of actors and the concept of “Normative Foreign Policy” are subject of interest for some theories of international relations. Based on these deliberations, some scholars aimed to apply this theoretical concept in international politics. In line with these efforts, some European researchers introduced the European Union as a normative actor and coined the concept of “Normative Power Europe”. The advocates of Normative Power Europe believe that the European Union is a distinct actor in international politics as well as a benign power whose foreign policy is not merely based on limited material interests but also on normative aims. Among the spheres of this self-regarded normative foreign policy is the policy of the EU towards its neighborhood. The present article aims to assess the foreign policy of the EU towards Belarus and to verify to what extent this policy was in line with variables of normative foreign policy. The authors believe that while in some aspects the foreign policy of the EU possesses some normative variables, it is not in a position to be named as normative foreign policy. Therefore, the concept of Normative Power Europe is to some extent exaggerated.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
1
33
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17890_5c70c1b3e1551a6cce14a0ce2cae702d.pdf
The Challenges of Peace in Afghanistan
Hossien
Rafi
Associate Professor of Mazandaran University, Baboulsar,
author
Mohsen
Bakhtiari Jami
MA in Political Science, Mazandaran University, Baboulsar, Iran
author
text
article
2015
per
The end of mission of international forces in Afghanistan and the transfer of supplying security to the Afghan's military forces has merely resulted in failure of United States of America in elimination of terrorism and promotion of permanent Peace. Adopting a new strategy by America has only given rise to tension with the Afghan's government. The intervention of neighboring rival powers aiming to influence, has made Afghanistan for the rivals a place to maintain their interests without take into consideration the former national sovereignty. Reflection of ethnic and religious diversity of the society in political and military - security institutions had a devastating impacts on the successful performance of the institutions. By growth of drugs trade, economic self-sufficiency of rural areas and empowerment of the insurgencies, the government has been losing control on those areas. Meanwhile, the sophisticated developments resulted from death of Taliban’s leader and the split in the new leadership, has made more difficult achieving a long-lasting peace between government and the two large groups of rebels which been in war with each other. This article by utilizing descriptive – analytical method attempt to answer to this question that what factors have prevented establishing peace and stability in Afghanistan? The study apply the realism as theoretical framework and use qualitative method for analyzing the data. The writers assume that competitive interference of the foreign states and preferring of their own interests than Afghanistan’s ones and internal social and cultural grounds are the main obstacles in establishing peace in Afghanistan.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
33
58
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17891_2c1f29ae4260147ad2c344cf43f04a68.pdf
The Effects of Afghan Narcotic Factor on National Security of Russian Federation
Seyed Mohammad Kazem
Sajjadpour
The Author in Charge; Professor of School of International Relations
of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
author
Mohammad Taghi
Jahan Bakhsh
PhD Candidate of Inter National Relation, Allameh Tabataba’i University,Tehran.
author
text
article
2015
per
During the recent decades, Afghanistan has been one of most important drug producers worldwide. Hence, afghan narcotic problem and its effects on various dimensions are one of the concerns of Afghanistan peripheral countries including the Russian Federation. Russia in the new millennium has sustained a growth in the amount of drug consumption and the number of drug users. Regarding Russia’s “National Security Strategy to 2020” document, this paper attempts to answer the question that “How the impacts of Afghan narcotic on Russia’s national security” can be analyzed? The results assert that Russia and Western Europe are the first targets of Afghan narcotics that value at more than 2.5 million addicts, and 68 percent of them are Heroin users. The spread of HIV/ AIDS through injection drug users (IDUs) incurs staging expenses on economy and security of this country. Furthermore drug poses a threat on the national and human security of Russian Federation, health care, environment and good governance which except the latter one, are all included in Russia’s National Security Strategy.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
59
85
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17892_4d438c41ec85eb0a91c52c814c9d9b91.pdf
China’s Soft Power in Central Asia: Approaches, Instruments and Goals
Hamid Reza
Azizi
PhD in Regional Studies, Tehran University, Tehran, Iran
author
text
article
2015
per
Central Asia is one of the regions with which China has traditionally and for a long period of time had close ties. One aspect of China’s ties and relations with Central Asian countries which has taken into consideration through the last decade is cultural relations and in particular, China’s attempts to develop its soft power instruments in the region; a trend which has reflected in various issues. “Soft Power” is a term which has raised and studied in the last two decades as a new concept and China is no exception in considering this type of power. By focusing on this aspect of China’s relations with Central Asian countries, this article tries to analyze that what is the China’s goal in attempting to develop its soft power instruments in the region and how and by which means China exerts its soft power in the region? After analyzing data and evidences, this article argues that China has considered developing its soft power and strengthening its cultural relations with Central Asian countries as a predisposing factor to expand its multi-faceted influence in the region, ultimately aims at increasing its power in the international arena.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
57
112
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17893_e9cfe521c3127d00391d9a7d16bf417c.pdf
The Gülen Movement and Its Performance in Azerbaijan in The Perspective of Resource Mobilization and Organizational Commitment Theories
Seyed Ahmad
Nekoee
PH.D in international releation
author
Mir Hadi
Mousavi
MA in Diplomacy and International Organization, School of International Relations of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
author
text
article
2015
per
The Gülen movement can be described as one of the Islamist social movements that were able to broadly develop in Turkey. Moreover, this movement has various branches around the world. One of the countries in which Gülen's followers have been able to gain successes is Azerbaijan. After Azerbaijan independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Azerbaijan has witnessed a massive political campaign and a kind of Competition for changing the Nature of nation into an Islamic one, there. While Most of the people are Shiite and Sunnis are in minority. Pluralistic nature of the society in Azerbaijan divides into secular liberals, intelligentsia, secular tradition and the Shiites. This diversity in approaches is the most important obstacle of movement development. Amongst all Sunni movements in Azerbaijan, the most influential is the Turkish Nurcular network that is now led by its dominant offshoot widely known as the Gülen or Hizmet movement. In Azerbaijan, the Gülen movement has succeeded in absorbing a diverse population, especially urban elites. It is different from the other Islamic movements in that it promotes its religious teachings not through outright direct Advertise, but discreetly through its network of secular educational institutions, social media and business associations. The main question of this article is what is the Gulen Movement’s agenda in Azerbaijan? This movement and its act and develop? This Article is organized as follows: First, it discusses the History of Gülen Movement in Turkey and it’s Theoretical Foundations. Second, it argues the achievements of Fethullah Gülen movements in General and in Azerbaijan in particular. Third, it explains the practice of hizmet or Movement Situation in Azerbaijan and its prospects? Because of its passive policy, The Gülen movement can’t have a direct role in the development of Azerbaijan, However, This movements large investment youngsters seems effective.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
113
40
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17894_ef7ba71ce95be33fa00a9d4845a30fc9.pdf
Study of Positive Aspects and the Essentiality of Iran’s Activeness in Belt – Road Initiative from the Copenhagen Prism
Enayatollah
Yazdani
Associate Professor of Isfahan University, Isfahan, Iran.
author
Parisa
ShahMohammadi
PhD Candidate of International Relations, Isfahan University, Isfahan, Iran
author
text
article
2015
per
Asia as a vast continent is facing new developments. Regional and trans-regional players have proposed some new initiatives in order to secure their own interests in different parts of the continent. American plan of the New Silk Road, American pivot to Asia, and New Architecture Building plans designed by the United States and the European Union, are the recent trans-regional plans, and the One Belt – One Road Initiative as well as the Asian Architecture Building are the regional ones. The authors, besides scrutinizing two versions of a Silk Road strategy (proposed by the United States and China), address this main question: Which plan meets the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The authors also address this secondary question that what is the weight of Iran in Chinese Belt – Road Initiative. The authors argue that due to considering Iran’s fundamental and axis role, the Belt – Road Initiative is capable of securing geostrategic, economic and security interests of Islamic Republic of Iran. This literature leads to the conclusion that Iran’s activeness defines its position in the Belt – Road Initiative. The Copenhagen School builds the theoretical framework of this literature.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
20
v.
88
no.
2015
141
166
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_17895_71091b0749a287956d13780b5562f713.pdf