Dimensions and Intentions of National Space Law in the Russian Federation
Ali
Ilkhanipour
Assistant Professor of Political Science Department, Bahonar University, Kerman, Iran.
author
text
article
2021
per
In spite of the considerable development of international space law, national policy and law is currently the strongest and most effective source for the leading governments’ programs and activities governance. Despite pioneering space activities and significant space programs, the Soviet Union lacked clear legislative mechanisms in the field of space law. However, the Soviet Union collapse highlighted the need to found legal and organizational foundations for space activities in Russia. This article has been written with the aim of recognizing the phenomenon of national space legislation in the Russian Federation and specifically seeks to find an appropriate answer to the question “what are the main motives of the Russian Federation to develop national legal rules in the field of space? The initial response, based on the research literature isthat "the development of national space law in the Russian Federation enormously reflects Moscow's four main motives including protecting national space sovereignty, filling in the gaps in the international treaty system in the field of space, influencing international norms governing space, as well as strengthening the rules for using the left-over bases and space facilities in post-Soviet lands. "The findings of the article confirm the validity of the hypothesis. The present article belongs to the post-event classification and to test the hypothesis, inferential methodology based on logical reasoning has been used.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
1
33
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_244163_7ee0b24220f3d2e58fbe7558ea8a97ba.pdf
Struggle for Security: A Study on Russia’s Foreign Policy (2014 – 2020)
Alireza
RostamAghaei
. PhD Candidate of International Relations, Faculty of Divinity, Political Science and Law, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.
author
Abdolali
Ghavam
The Author in Charge; Professor of International Relations, Beheshti University,
Tehran, Iran.
author
keyhan
Barzegar
استادیار گروه روابط بین الملل دانشگاه آزاد علوم تحقیقات تهران
author
text
article
2021
per
Government security is a fundamental concept in the academic field of international relations. To providing itfirstly accurate cognition and necessarily useful and effective cognitive frameworks and theories are required. Security research has traditionally focused on the uncertainty and vulnerability of countries in an anarchic international system. Their interests have challenged theories of international relations to provide a comprehensive explanation of security and the threat. Nevertheless, over the past two decades, a new subset has emerged that dedicated not to the security of states in the classical sense, but to their "ontological" security. In the conventional sense, security refers to "survival", such as the protection of the territorial integrity of the state. Ontological security relates to the relationship between a country's collective identity and a sense of security. This article tries to understand Russia's foreign policy and analyze the causes and motives of its behavior based on the theory of ontological security. Using descriptive-analytical research method and library and electronic resources, the author tries to find an answer for the following question: Why Russia decided to intervene militarily in Ukraine and Syria, despite the unfavorable material and spiritual costs, especially in terms of security and economic prosperity along with the international situation. The results of the article show that ontological security concerns have been a major driver of Russian foreign policy under Putin during these interventions.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
34
61
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_243234_572d730bfb64d1b5e24a635d64d6a565.pdf
Scientific Diplomacy Application
In the Framework of US Foreign Policy in Kazakhstan
Seyyed Asghar
Keyvan Hoseini
The Author in Charge; Associate Professor of Political Science, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran.
author
Zahra
Bahrami
PhD of International Relations, Allameh Tabataba'i University, Tehran, Iran.
author
text
article
2021
per
In a globalized world where actors especially emerging powers, are seeking to advance their position in the international structure, the use of soft power, has become increasingly important, especially in the face of scientific diplomacy.Under these circumstances, the United States, as a great power that also excels in the production and dissemination of advanced science and technology, uses this diplomacy to achieve its national goals and interests. This orientation is associated with certain features in relation to Central Asia and the Caucasus, and in particular to Kazakhstan; As the United States seeks to build constructive, purposeful, and framed cooperation with science diplomacy in a new strategic perspective, especially in the context of "Science for Diplomacy." This type of diplomatic cooperation is formed and developed based on the role of thinkers and academics and their relationship with the masses, academic and industrial centers. In this regard, the question is how scientific diplomacy has played a role in the US foreign policy towards Kazakhstan in the post-September period.
In response, using the deductive research method through explaining and collecting information and scientific data, the authors examined the following assumption: In the framework of US foreign policy towards Kazakhstan after 9/11, scientific diplomacy in the form of "science for diplomacy" and by emphasizing the categories of "development-oriented cooperation" and "security-oriented cooperation" has helped to advance the foreign policy of this government. The findings of the article show that relying on scientific diplomacy in Kazakhstan, the United States has taken advantage of software opportunities to develop comprehensive relations with the country, especially in the political and security spheres, and defined Kazakhstan as a strategic allied player in the region to influence transnational equations.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
63
91
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_244164_fff032544168c97cdb8b7b7aae114912.pdf
The Role of Russia in Iran's Economic Cooperation
With the South Caucasus (2014-2019)
Elaheh
Koolaee
The Author in Charge; Professor of Regional Studies, Central Asia and Caucasian Studies, Tehran University, Tehran, Iran.
author
Ali Akbar
Jowkar
PhD Candidate of International Relations, Guilan University, Rasht, Iran.
author
text
article
2021
per
Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus. Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor. a
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
93
116
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_243232_eeb9a74f58a5772843019fcb97e84afd.pdf
Russia in Syria and Takfirism in Central Asia
Abbas
Golroo
PhD Candidate of International Relations, Central Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.
author
Ardeshir
Sanaee
The Author in Charge; Assistant Professor of International Relations, Central Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.
author
text
article
2021
per
Civil war in Syria and the interventions of regional and transregional players with their diverse and opposite motivations have led to different implications including the strengthening of Tafkirism and recruitment of extremist forces from different regions including Central Asia. Against this backdrop the authors try to find an answer for the following questions: What are the main reasons for the promoting of Takfirism from Syria Crisis to the Central Asia and how it impacts Russia’s interests in the region. The authors argue that interventions of regional and transregional players including Russia has led to promotion of Takfirism to the Central Asia. The second argumentation of the research is that in its attempt to revive the superpower status, Russia considers Syria as its main battle ground against West. The return of Central Asian extremistsfrom Syria would also lead to security implications for the region.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
118
143
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_244165_5d7efe47dcef0553f16bdce47df6f1b5.pdf
Iran _ Kazakhstan Political Economy and
Eurasian Integration (2010 – 2020)
Mahdi
HedayatiShahidani
The Author in Charge; Assistant Professor of International Relations, Guilan University, Rasht, Iran.
author
Omid
Rahimi
PhD Candidate of International Relations, Guilan University, Rasht, Iran.
author
text
article
2021
per
Economy has been an inseparable part of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kazakhstan Republic’s relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Trade relations between the countries have had an impressive growth and a substantial number of legal documents have been signed in order to facilitate trade relations between two countries. However after 2000 rise and fallhas been witnessed in the bilateral trades due to political economy. Against this background both countries made some attempts to stabilize their relations through political and economic mechanisms.
The authors try to find an answer for the following question: Which model of political economy has been used by Iran and Kazakhstan to stabilize the economic relations since 2010 to 2020? They argue that Iran and Kazakhstan have usedmultilateral trends of political integration with the pivotal role of geo-economic objectives. Therefore the two countries have cooperated in different multilateral frameworks including economic unions, common legal platforms and international transit projects. One of the achievements has been paving the ground for Iran’s partnership in Eurasian Integration.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
26
v.
112
no.
2021
143
167
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_244166_7bb174ba73ec74cde11e79e8aa5292f6.pdf