Position of Iran in Thought Schools of Russian Foreign Diplomacy
Seyedeh Motahareh
Hosseini
استادیار دانشگاه پیام نور، واحد البرز
author
Maryam
Abolhosseini
دانش آموخته مطالعات آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز، دانشگاه تهران
author
text
article
2016
per
Russian foreign policy is derived from thoughts which are rooted in the existing thought schools in the thinking environment. The essence of these schools has been studied sporadically, but the certain classification of these schools and their impacts on the process of formation of Russian foreign policy towards Iran has not yet been studied.
In this case, the present study has raised several questions to consider this issue: What is the position of Iran in the contemporary thought schools of Russian foreign policy? Why has Iran been unable to have an appropriate position in Russian foreign policy? What are the influential thought schools in Russia foreign policy? How do these schools consider Iran? In this regard, by taking advantages of the research carried out by specialists in the field and based on the notion that Iran has got the important position in the schools of Eurasianism and Statism, and less important position in the schools of Atlanticism and nationalism, we have found out the different positions of Iran in these thought schools, and volatile and contradictory approaches of the Russian foreign policy towards Iran is caused by different attitudes and thought schools during historical experiences and past economic historyand political evolutions. In other words, these changes in Russian foreign policy have been induced by Russian domestic issues and the resulting talks rather than international evolutions.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
1
33
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24254_34986afbc910eb79d91d1004e1ba4406.pdf
Japan's Foreign Policy in Central Asia
Seyed Mohammad Kazem
Sajjadpour
استاد دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه
author
Zahra
AghaMohammadi
دانشجوی دکترای روابط بین الملل دانشگاه اصفهان
author
text
article
2016
per
After World War II, Japan came under the security umbrella of the United States. Due to dominating military logic over the cold war, Japan played a small role in this era and was inactive in the case of international affairs. However, the collapse of bipolar system paved the way for Japan to implement more independent foreign policy. At this time, Central Asia was involved in post-cold war evolutions so that five independent republics were established in the region. The coincidence of these two evolutions raises the question in mind that what have been the aspects and plans of Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia. Japan’s regional policy in Central Asia has features rooted in Yoshida’s Doctrine. During the cold war era, Japan was a strategic and inactive country, but in the post-cold war era, it transformed into a flexible government in terms of the international arena. The interpretation of this flexibility in Central Asia can be justified by less activity in political and military plans and greater emphasis on economic aspects. In general, Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia has both political and economic aspects, but within Japan’s plan, the economic aspect has got the higher priority. The essence of Japan’s plans in Central Asia sends out a message to its neighbor that Tokyo does not intend to compete for geopolitics in the region and attempts to act based on the common economic interests.
In this paper, Japan’s regional policy has been investigated based on hegemonic theory.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
35
67
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24255_54bd35236991cca051cf53233600d7bf.pdf
Economic Integration in Central Eurasia in Line with Cantouri and Spiegel Models
Hadi
Soleimanpour
استادیار دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه
author
Maryam
Soleimani Dorchagh
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد مطالعات اوراسیا، دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزرات امور خارجه
author
text
article
2016
per
More than two decades has passed since presenting the first design proposal for economic cooperation among the countries of Central Eurasia in 1994and forming the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. During this period and in order to create economic integration in Central Eurasia, different acts, including the formation of the Eurasian economic community aimed at expanding and coordinating economic activities as well as the creation of the customs union and common economic environmentamong regional countries have been carried out to facilitate economic relations.
Now, the main question is to what extent the post-Soviet economic integration in Central Eurasia has been successful over the years? To answer this question, based on international politics and four variables in Cantouri and Spiegel models, and in particular, in the case of economic and international political economy, the issue has been investigated. Furthermore, based on these two views, the rate of success in economic integrations has been studied. The study shows that the success rate of economic integration in Central Eurasia has not been remarkable and will be remained weak if the past patterns are followed up. However, the region has got the neglected capacities that can change this path.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
69
97
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24256_e89a1f57c1162e15df44c7f6f5e722b9.pdf
Strategic Position of Syria in the Military - Security Equations of Russia
Seyed Shamseddin
Sadeghi
استادیار دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه
author
Kamran
Lotfi
دانشجوی دکترای علوم سیاسی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه
author
text
article
2016
per
Transformation in the Middle East geopolitical security environment after September 11, has induced the players in the region to adopt different realistic approaches to critical incidents. In this case, Russia is one of the players who has adopted a realistic approach and deeply involved itself in Syria crisis. In this crisis, Russia in a geopolitical conflict and in competition with other regional and trans-regional rivals pursues its military-security and strategic interests. Contrary to some regional players, with different and contradictory positions who consider and pursue the overthrown scenario of Bashar Al-Assad, Russia keeping its security considerations in this crisis, attempts to support Syria government against internal opposition and international supporters, and keep Assad Regime in power so as to provide its interests and strategic objectives both in Syria and in the security environment in East Mediterranean. Regarding this concern, the main question is that what is the geopolitics importance of the Syria in Russia’s security environment?
To answer this question, the authors hypothesize that in the security environment of Russia, military and strategic importance of Syria is of a great value which keeps a balance in security equation of East Mediterranean. It should be noted that this paper will adopt aninvasiveand defensive realism approach all throughout its content.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
99
122
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24257_d6496133fd8164427ef243677d3bc929.pdf
Turkey's Soft Power Tools in Central Asia and South Caucasus
Mahnaz
Goodarzi
دانشیار دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، واحد خوراسگان اصفهان
author
Fereshteh
Maboodinejad
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد دیپلماسی و سازمان های بین المللی، دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه
author
text
article
2016
per
After the AKP's rise to power, political reforms increased the power of Turkey in the international arena, and this led Turkey to enter into the circle of soft power players in regional and international arenas.
Taking this into account, the present paper aims to investigate public diplomacy and soft power components of Turkey. And, in the next step, this research intends to analyze Turkey’s soft power policy in Central Asia and South Caucasus. The authors of the article aim to assess the public diplomacy and soft power components in Turkey’s foreign policy in Central Asia and South Caucasus. This study hypothesizes that Turkey’s soft power and its public diplomacy have been founded on three components of language, common history, and economics which, due to development, have been transformed into multi-dimensional acts. Now considering this finding, Turkey demands to be transformed into an influential regional power in competition with other regional powers. In this case, Turkey has achieved some success over the last two decades and created a positive image. Hence, Turkey is determined to strengthen her epistemological foundations of native culture, generalize values, and send her knowledge and attitudes beyond geographical borders. To do so, it employs soft diplomacy and the power of satisfaction. The applied research methodology is the analytic-descriptive one.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
123
158
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24258_ed21c054e0a6779c48ef6870f347ed10.pdf
Legal Aspects of Exploitation of Hirmand Border River by Iran and Afghanistan
Reza
Moosazadeh
دانشیار دانشکده روابط بین الملل، وزارت امور خارجه
author
Morteza
Abbaszadeh
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد دیپلماسی و سازمان های بین المللی، دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه
author
text
article
2016
per
Since the ownership of border rivers is not entirely in the hands of a certain country, exploiting and employing these rivers have been always a controversial issue within many governments. Hirmand Border River which originates from Kabul West Mountain and pours into Hamoun pond after traveling 1050 Km has been of the legal issue between Iran and Afghanistan since assigning the Paris agreement in 1857.
This paper seeks to answer this question that what are the legal aspects of exploiting Hirmand River, and what principles dominate the international rivers in terms of international law? Thus, based on different approaches to the dominant lawful regime on international rivers, the present paper based on statutory rules, practice and votes of international courts, and government approachesaims to recognize the dominating principles on international rivers and apply them to Hirmand River. Ultimately, this study suggests that the international law principles of international rivers have accepted “the principle of limited territorial sovereignty” on international rivers. And in accordance with international laws principles, rivers whose basins are located in another country, the upstream country cannot change or drift the route of that river or any other act which does harm to downstream countries.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
93
no.
2016
159
183
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24259_14e5b6fbc3139fd015a7948410254640.pdf