Explanation of the obstacles of the national identity building in Georgia in the light of the modern approach to the ethnic identities
Mohammad Ali
Basiri
استادیار دانشکاه اصفهان
author
Enayatollah
Yazdani
دانشیار دانشگاه اصفهان
author
Fahimeh
Khansarifard
دانشجوی دکترای روابط بین الملل، دانشگاه اصفهان
author
text
article
2016
per
Building a single national identity has been one of the most difficult phases in the process of nation-building in various societies. Common definition of itself and the formation of inter-minds understanding of a single nation beyond the existing ethnic identities, has led to building an inclusive national identity and this issue provides the required ground for the advancement of nation-building process. Realization of this issue depends on the performance of the elites in creating consensus among ethnic groups and the willingness of diverse ethnic identities to participate in the process of building national identity. This is particularly very significant in the areas, where other multiple ethnic identities live in constant tension with each other. South Caucasus region is one of the regions, which due to the existence of hostile ethnic groups, is considered as a unique example in studying the national identity building of the “post-Soviet”. In this region, Georgia is considered as a failed example in the arena of building national identity and nation-building. In this regard, the question of this article is: What were the main obstacles in building national identity in Georgia and what was the impact of these factors on the process of nation-building in this country? The hypothesis of the article is also elaborated as follows: the interaction of two factors; the reluctance of the diverse ethnic groups in a common definition of themselves as a single nation and also the Georgian elites’ performance, in order to marginalize the ethnic minorities in the process of building national identity, along with the impact of the Soviet Union’s legacy, has been the most important factors in the lack of national identity formation in Georgia and subsequently, its failure in the country's nation-building process. The method used in this article, is descriptive-analytical method, through using the library tools.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
1
30
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24331_46ca76353386a6ebacef23ba9e7b9c3c.pdf
Neo-mercantilist approach of Russia and China to the Central Asia energy
Hossein
Rafi
دانشیار دانشگاه مازندران
author
Mohsen
Bakhtiari Jami
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد رشته علوم سیاسی دانشگاه مازندران
author
text
article
2016
per
The application of neo-mercantilist policies by the great powers indicates the ineffectiveness of mercantilist exploitation plans of the past century and the emergence of a new era of conflict and competition to establish a business balance and maximize the economic profits. The priority of controlling energy resources of “Central Asia”, has placed the domination policy over hydrocarbon resources at the center of the foreign policy of regional powers “Russia and China”, with the aim of convergence and consolidating their superior position in comparison to the rival power. Leaping for the economic development and at the same time, rising oil and gas prices in the world market, Russia's struggle in order to achieve the foreign exchange revenue, which is obtained from raw materials trade; China's reliance on vital arteries of oil and gas in order to sustain economic growth as well as design neo-mercantilist policies, have made the maximization of the resources’ control inevitable. Occurrence of economic and political crises in the relations between Russia and “European Union” (EU),as well as a reduction in prices, changed Russia's trade strategy in the oil and gas sector, which led to the increase of the volume of exports and commercial convergence with China to supply the foreign exchange revenue deficit. In this regard, due to the competition between the two great regional powers, the question is: Which component has intensified the compilation and implementation of neo-mercantilist commercial-economic policies in the region? The main hypothesis of this article is as follows: The use of rich oil and gas resources with the goals of earning foreign exchange revenues, continuing domestic economic growth, maintaining a balance in prices, coping the domination of rival over resources, have made the pursuit of neo-mercantilist policies in the region essential. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, citing on the Latin books and articles and reliable cyberspaces of the web sites.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
33
64
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24332_bcd17fd2606268ad3f7c97b82ca37ae3.pdf
Russian foreign policy and Iran's nuclear program from the sanctions to the Nuclear Deal (JCPOA
Jahangir
Karami
دانشیار دانشگاه تهران
author
Roqayeh
Keramatinia
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد رشته مطالعات روسیه، دانشگاه تهران
author
text
article
2016
per
“Iran nuclear deal” and the “P5+1” countries is of the important political events in the regional and even international levels, which can overshadow and affect Iran's relations with many governments. This event which in the context has been mentioned as "Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA), is a «historical agreement», which has sparked the reaction of many countries, particularly great powers of the international system. Therefore, with consideration to the presence of Russia in Iran's nuclear program and its special role as one of the five permanent members of the “UN Security Council” on how to advance the case, this article studies the policies and orientations of Russia against “Iran Nuclear Deal” and the “P5 + 1” countries, and tries to discuss the practical dimensions of the foreign policy orientation of this country. The main question of this article is: What approach has Russia taken towards “Iran Nuclear deal” and how its orientation has been during the “post-Nuclear Deal” (Post-JCPOA) with respect to Iran? Also this hypothesis is raised that, meanwhile; Russia has a positive attitude towards “Nuclear Agreement ”in order to maintain its economic and political interests and status, both in Iran and the regional as well as international arenas, it has developed a bilateral and multilateral cooperation with Iran in various aspects with a pragmatic and cautious approach. To study the mentioned idea, first, the theoretical foundations related to foreign policy orientation of the governments and the Economic sanctions are discussed, and then Russia's policy towards "Nuclear Deal" and the factors affecting its formation will be analyzed. The method of research in this article is descriptive-analytical and it was written through using library resources and Cyberspace.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
65
97
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24333_93a260545fec93cdce2b2175b0974c66.pdf
Russian security activism in the “South Caucasus”
Elaheh
Kolaee
استاد دانشگاه تهران
author
Mohsen
Eslami
استادیار دانشگاه تربیت مدرس
author
Ghasem
Osouli
دانشجوی دکتری روابط بین الملل دانشگاه تربیت مدرس
author
text
article
2016
per
According to Russia's membership in the “UN Security Council”, nuclear power, proximity and involvement in a wide arena of the world’s geography (Japan, China, Central Asia, the Middle East, the Black Sea, East Europe to the Baltic region), as well as the possibility of military support and reinforcement of different groups and governments; the influence of Russia’s remoteness and proximity in various parts of the world, especially in the “South Caucasus”, is still undeniable. A series of security and strategic interests (in relation to Armenia and Georgia), as well as economic interests (mainly relevant to Azerbaijan) have made “South Caucasus” important for Russia; thus, in expanding the relations, “Eurasia region” has been the priority of the country in all foreign policy documents until 2016. The main objective of this article is, to respond to this question: How Russia has turned into a security activist in the “South Caucasus”? The hypothesis, which is raised in response to this main question, is as follows: A series of strategic, security, military, economic and energy resources have turned Russia into a security activist in the South Caucasus.
In this article, it is tried to answer to the main question through studying Russia’s foreign policy documents and then different approaches of the country; as well as studying its interests in various fields by a descriptive – explanatory method.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
97
136
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24334_d01f56bd4c075cb05f361b83078ccfc3.pdf
The impact of geopolitical code and visions on the management of the Russian Federation in Ukraine crisis
Mohammad Hasan
Sheikh- al- Islami
استادیار دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه،
author
Sarem
Shiravand
دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد رشته مطالعات اوراسیا، دانشکده روابط بین الملل وزارت امور خارجه،
author
text
article
2016
per
The behavioral model of the great powers in crisis management is of the important issues worthy of research, as a result of the structural change of the international system and becoming complicated after the “Cold War”. In the security policy making in the post-historical world, Russia still emphasizes on two elements of historical and geopolitical mentality. For this reason, it defines geopolitical codes of the peripheral regions (nearby foreign regions), on the basis of its interests. Accordingly, in the regional and international levels, the behavioral model of this actor in crisis management in the geopolitical domain of Soviet Union of Russia is under the influence of these factors. Therefore, the main question of this article is: What kind of impact the requirements of the geopolitical vision and code of the “Soviet Union of Russia Federation” have had on the management of this actor in Ukraine crisis? The hypothesis of this article is as follows: With consideration to the importance of the geopolitical sphere of the Soviet Union of Russia to revive Russian power, as well as the prominent and vital status of Ukraine in the geopolitical vision and code of this actor, the “Russian Federation” has acted intelligently in the crisis management arena of Ukraine and has combined hard and soft means with each other. The writing method of this article is explanatory-analytical, and through using library resources; also the required data has been collected.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
137
171
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24335_1df4ae8087272a77b3a45b2cabe1931f.pdf
Pathology of the EU-Georgia cooperation regime in the form of "Partnership and Cooperation agreement"
Roxana
Niknami
استادیار دانشگاه گیلان
author
masoud
Etesami
دانش آموخته دکتری رشته علوم سیاسی، پژوهشکده مطالعات فرهنگی واجتماعی
author
text
article
2016
per
“South Caucasus” has always been part of the most challenging regions of the world and it is considered very crucial for Europe to maintain its security.“Eastern Partnership Plan” (EAP), which is part of neighborhood policy of EU (European Union) started in the country a short time after the war between Georgia and Russia in 2008, in fact, it was interpreted as the Europe’s response to Russia's military action. In the framework of the neighborhood policy of Europe, Georgia and Europe signed a “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement”, which is the most advanced mechanism of European cooperation. “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) between Georgia and Europe is a benchmark for the cooperation between Europe and Georgia, and it has had great achievements for both parties so far. Practically, signing “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” has had certain impacts. The most important achievements have been the reform of the judiciary structure as well as the reform of the governmental institutions, human rights, economic cooperation, protection of the environment and the cultural sector.
In this regard, the authors discuss the questions of the article as follows: Whether Georgia is well prepared to start extensive cooperation with “European Union” (EU)? What kind of impacts does creating a regime of cooperation in the framework of the “Eastern Partnership Plan” leave, on the political economy of the country? On which aspects is this policy more successful? Is there any possibility of further developments? This hypothesis is raised in response to these questions that creating a regime of cooperation between “European Union” (EU) and Georgia has two political and economic dimensions, in national and regional levels. The method used in this article, is descriptive-analytical method, through using the library tools.
Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal
The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of Iran
2322-3766
22
v.
95
no.
2016
173
206
http://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24336_e4b4b28c58b3a2a7b89302a68ec54a7a.pdf