‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract With Putin's reelection on March 2018, a new era of relations started between Russia and the West. During the period of Putin's presence in the Kremlin, relations between West and Russia have experienced some periods of tension and peaceful concords. In early 1990s, there were prospects about Russia’s becoming a democratic state and becoming part of the normative framework of the West. After the end of the Cold War, Russia sought an equal status in international system and it also was against Western values and normative imposition. The main question of the article is "how the areas of disagreement between the Russian Federation and the West can be assessed?" The author believes that there has been a divergence between Russia and the West’s attitude towards the international system after the end of the Cold War. Russia tries to stabilize its position as a global power ​​and the rejects the existence of its specific spheres of influence that is claimed by the West.

Abstract Since the end of cold war neither the Great Britain nor Russia has ever prioritized one another; and therefore their mutual relationship has been mainly confined to the framework of European Union and NATO. This has happened irrespective of their common history, including both countries’ presence in Security Council, their actorness as great powers and coalition in some international crises including their cooperation in Napoleonian War and strategic cooperation in World War II. The Great Britain and Russia’s envision about each other is formed in a framework of rivalry and bellicosity. Brexit has also been one of the challenges in their relations; still their diplomatic relationship in at its lowest level since the end of cold war. The author attempts to answer the following question: How are the effective factors on Britain and Russia’s disagreement assessed? The author argues that their different prism for seeing the international order after cold war, Russia’s hybrid war in Great Britain and its attempt to manipulate in 2016 survey, Ukraine’s crisis and Crimea’s accession to Russia, the murder of some Russian citizens in Britain as well as their divergent approach towards the Syrian crisis, have all led to a threat perception from one another and a reduction in mutual relations. Using explanatory – analytical research method, the author attempts to find an answer for the article’s question.

Abstract Since the beginning of the third millennium, the European Union's policy toward the Central Asia has been a major part of the EU's common foreign and security policy. Central Asia has traditionally provided a link between Asia and Europe and plays as a strategic route between the two continents. The most comprehensive European document on Central Asia entitled "EU-Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership" was adopted in June 2007 and boosted the EU-Central Asia relations. The Main question of this article is "in order to implement its normative power, which instruments are used by the EU and which challenges it confronts?" In response to this question, the following hypothesis is posed: "Promoting democracy, human rights, rule of law, education, and environment are among the most important programs implemented by the EU in Central Asia; however, due to some shortcomings such as the role of other powerful actors in the region, different approaches of the member states and the European institutions as well as structural weaknesses, the EU has failed to achieve all its goals in the region. The research method applied in this article is analytic-descriptive.