‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020 and its impact on Other regional and international actors showed the geopolitical importance of this region and the effects of these crises on Iran, therefore, the present research is aimed at answering this question: What threats will the Zangez-Zor Corridor construction program have against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? And in this regard, using the theory of regional security, the hypothesis has been proposed that the creation of Zangezzor Corridor in the territory of Armenia, based on the plans announced by the Republic of Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, can change the regional balance of power to the detriment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Therefore, the advancement of this project is considered a security threat against the geopolitical and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most important of which are: the possibility of changing the geopolitical borders by blocking the land border between Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing national sovereignty and territorial integrity by advancing the Pan-Turkic plan and reviving Azari ethnocentrism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of the country. Also, descriptive analytical method has been used in this research and library information collection method has been used.

Abstract The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and their seizure of power in 2021 has once again revived legal and political debates surrounding the recognition of governments in international law. While most states and international organizations have refrained from officially recognizing the Taliban, the Russian Federation, by adopting a pragmatic approach, has pursued a path of gradual engagement and even some forms of informal recognition. This article, using comparative and legal analysis methods, examines whether Russia’s recognition of the Taliban aligns with or contradicts the principles and practices of international law. Within this framework, key concepts such as the distinction between “de facto” and “de jure” recognition, non-standard governments, and the transformations of the post-Western international order are explored. The article then analyzes the regional implications of this trend for the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These include Iran's use of the Taliban's ambiguous legal status to maintain security and diplomatic advantages, secure a rear front amid tensions with the West and Israel, and preserve its value as a bargaining chip for Russia in its negotiations with the West over Ukraine. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the need to reconsider legal frameworks of recognition in light of emerging geopolitical developments.

Abstract This study examines China’s approach toward the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to analyze the challenges, opportunities, and strategic interests that shape Beijing’s stance on recognizing the Taliban. Drawing on Graham Allison’s Rational Actor Model, the Chinese state is conceptualized as a rational actor seeking to maximize its national interests in a complex and high-risk environment. The findings indicate that despite security threats posed by extremist groups such as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), China is actively seeking to exploit the economic and geopolitical opportunities emerging in Afghanistan. In this context, Beijing has deliberately avoided granting official recognition to the Taliban and has instead adopted a de facto recognition strategy—a cautious and flexible approach. This strategy minimizes political and security risks while laying the groundwork for potential future diplomatic and economic engagement. Ultimately, the research addresses the core question: How do China’s strategic interests influence its approach to recognizing the Taliban? China’s strategic calculations—centered on border security, countering extremism, accessing natural resources, and advancing the Belt and Road Initiative—have directly shaped its decision to adopt de facto recognition of the Taliban regime. This explains how Beijing’s strategic interests have influenced its policy choices toward the Taliban and resulted in both opportunities and challenges within the realm of Chinese foreign policy and regional security.

Abstract This study examines the impact of the C5+1 Initiative on Central Asia's security structure from its establishment in 2015 to 2024. The main objective is to analyze how this initiative has influenced patterns of security cooperation and competition in the region. The theoretical framework combines Regional Security Complex Theory, the concept of securitization, and reference group theory, enabling a comprehensive examination of the region's security dynamics. The research methodology is based on qualitative content analysis of official documents and reports, as well as review of secondary sources including academic articles and analytical reports. Findings indicate that while the C5+1 Initiative has brought about changes in the region's security structure and increased strategic options for Central Asian countries, it has also created challenges in maintaining these countries' independence of action. Although effective, this initiative has not played a decisive role in shaping the region's security future. The increasing competition among great powers in the region has formed complex security dynamics that require intelligent management by regional countries. Results suggest that the future security structure of Central Asia will be shaped by a complex interaction between cooperation and competition, with the C5+1 Initiative potentially serving as a catalyst for this interaction. The long-term success of political and security initiatives in Central Asia depends on addressing the region's real needs, balancing the interests of great powers with the independence of regional countries, strengthening intra-regional cooperation, and developing domestic capacities.