‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract In today's world, economic sanctions are one of the main foreign policy tools of Western countries to exert pressure on target countries in order to change their political and economic behavior. In addition to having direct effects on the economy and domestic politics of the countries under sanctions, these sanctions cause changes in international relations and strengthen regional cooperation. The main question of this article is to what extent have Western sanctions played a role in strengthening the position of BRICS and the Eurasian Economic Union between 2012 and 2024? The main hypothesis of the article is that these sanctions have led to changes in the trade and economic patterns of these organizations and have accelerated economic processes independent of the West. In this study, using a comparative analysis method based on documentary sources and historical data, the development and strengthening process of these organizations in the face of Western sanctions has been examined. The results show that Western sanctions, especially after political and economic crises in the member states of these organizations, have acted as a factor in increasing economic, trade, and political cooperation among BRICS and Eurasian Economic Union members. Ultimately, this study concludes that Western sanctions can play a positive role in strengthening non-Western organizations, but there are several challenges in the field of internal integration and resource management that require further attention.

Abstract Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia pursued various strategies to maintain influence within its near abroad. Several post-Soviet institutions emerged against a backdrop of evolving relations with the West and the rise of integrationist concepts like Neo-Eurasianism, which emphasizes regional cooperation and a distinct identity. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), established in 2015 by Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan, is a key initiative designed to foster deep economic integration, partially inspired by the European Union model. This article investigates the integration trajectory of the EAEU between 2015 and 2022, addressing the question: What were the primary trends and dynamics shaping the EAEU's integration path during this period? Employing the analytical frameworks of Neo-Functionalism and Neoliberal Institutionalism, the research finds that the EAEU achieved notable success in building institutions, developing common regulations, and establishing standards, aligning with Neo-Functionalist expectations of progress in formal structures. However, progress in practical economic integration—a core focus analyzed through the lens of Neoliberal Institutionalism's emphasis on achieving cooperative gains—lagged significantly. Specifically, the establishment of a fully operational common market, the consistent application of common external customs tariffs, and the implementation of coordinated economic policies experienced considerable delays during the period studied.

Abstract US sanctions against Iran have severely hampered production, employment, business activity, and development projects, thereby decreasing economic efficiency and national income. Consequently, amid the growth of regional cooperation and the formation of economic blocs, Iran has increasingly viewed the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a vital platform for economic partnership. This research aims to identify the opportunities that membership in the EAEU could offer Iran for countering unilateral US sanctions. The central research question is: How can membership in the EAEU enable Iran to counter sanctions and mitigate their economic impact? Key identified opportunities include enhanced cooperation among sanctioned states, the application of preferential tariffs, the development of a stronger regional Asian focus, and expanded intra-regional trade. This is an applied study employing a mixed-methods design. Guided by the theoretical framework of modern regionalism, the research uses a descriptive-inferential approach and content analysis to test its central hypothesis.

Abstract This study examines the opportunities facing Iran to revise its geo-economics’ approach to the Eurasian Economic Union’s member countries through four techniques: Cosine index, Finger and Crinin index, Grubel and Lloyd index and estimation potential trade index in 2019. The results of the Cosinus index indicate that Iran has the highest degree of similarity with Belarus 0.858 and the correlation coefficient calculated with the Finger and Crinin index 0.918 confirms these results. According to the Grubel-Lloyd index, Iran had the most intra-industrial trade with the Eurasian Union in the product of all skin types and raw skin and Leather. 0.943. The results of the trade potential index showed that Iran has made little use of its trade capacity with Eurasian countries, so that, for example, it has only relied on 0.16% of the 1.8% of its export capacity to Russia. On the other hand, the article moves on to identify and calculate a set of goods that have the highest degree of intra-industrial trade as well as the highest export potential to Eurasian Union’s countries.
Therefore, it is suggested that according to a long-term approach a country like Iran should look at the all three components of geo-economics (economy, geography, and power) in the same direction to secure its long - term interests through an effective regional convergence. These results can be a proper guideline to draw Iran's trade promotion strategy with Eurasian Union member states in order to revise the geo-economic approach of the country.

Abstract The New Silk Road as the most ambitious macro-project in the current time is the sign and symbol of China’s power projection beyond its borders. Two lanes of the six lanes of the land belt of the New Silk Road go through the Russian territory. Also, Europe will be the main terminal of the land and sea routes of this grand project. Furthermore, China’s relations with Russia and Europe will involve potential tensions with huge consequences for the balance of power and global economy. From this perspective, the main issue is some sort of divergence and convergence of these three big powers along the Silk Road’s Eurasian land route. What are the divergence and convergence factors in China’s relations with Russia and Europe along the New Silk Road? The thesis is premised on the fact that the Polar Silk Road lays the ground for convergence, and the one going through Central Asia diverges Moscow and Beijing, and on the other side, China’s projects in the Balkans cause convergence in East Europe, while bringing divergence of relations with Central and Western Europe powers. This writing shows in detail the branches and the consequences of the Icy (Polar) Silk Road. Also, it enumerates the challenges and opportunities between China and Russia, especially in Central Asia; then, it shows China’s policy-line for infiltrating into East Europe and the Balkans. The paper explores the extent and expanse of China’s tense relations with West Europe countries. The theoretical framework of the paper is progressive based on a tri-faceted and tri-spherical reading of geopolitics. Such a framework of connection of these three structures with geographical factors shows that the roots and consequences of this macro-project can be traced back to the spheres of Geopolitics, Geo-culture,   and Geo-economy as well as to the three “International”, “Regional”, and “Internal” levels. 

Abstract Economic relations between Iran and Eurasian Economic Union member states in recent years have been affected by factors such as international sanctions, lack of complementary economic relations, dependence of Iran and Eurasian Economic Union members on raw material and energy sales, and geoeconomic competition. The re-imposition of US sanctions following the withdrawal of the Trump administration from the UN Security Council and the imposition of economic restrictions, especially on international trade, has expanded Iran's view of developing economic ties with its neighbors.In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union has a good capacity to expand bilateral relations, especially in the face of sanctions, due to the low volume of economic relations with the United States and the dominance of Russian institutions over the union.The Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to offset US sanctions restrictions by concluding a preferential trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union. The main question of the present article is that what opportunities does the preferential trade agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union face for the Iranian economy in the face of sanctions?In this regard, the hypothesis is tested that the trade cooperation between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union to open a new business environment by reducing tariffs, using the existing capacities in the union and the conditions for circumventing economic sanctions, the bases of strategic cooperation Provides Iran and the Union in the long run.

Abstract The establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union strengthened Russia's position in bilateral relations towards other members of the union, although the multilateral relations between post-communist countries remained without progress. Establishing Eurasian Economic Union to some extent also has fulfilled the geopolitical ambitions of Moscow, but the determination of the geopolitical agenda for this union by Moscow, despite the presence of members with the primary objective of economic interests, will not be easy. This is despite the fact that Russia has incurred considerable costs to establish this union and has pursued the policy of "luring by subsidizing". The main question of this article is "what does Russian expect to gain through in vesting on the establishment and expansion of the Eurasian Economic Union, considering the fact bilateral agreements with post-Soviet governments provides this country with more economic benefits?” The hypothesis tested under the framework of the new regionalism theory is: "although Russia's primary goal by establishing and expanding the Eurasian Economic Union is to strengthen a geopolitical deploy against the West at the borders of the European Union at the expense of exorbitant costs in order to keep these countries away from the west, it has not over looked the benefits of a long term economic, social and cultural cohesion of this union in the post-Soviet space". The study is descriptive-analytical and methodology applied to analyze the collected data is causal.

Abstract The attempt to retrieve Russia's position as one of the key actors in the international arena can be considered as a major feature of Russian foreign policy after Putin's rise to power. The Kremlin's foreign policy strategy in relation to the revival of the Russian empire and the vulnerable geopolitical situation and the political isolation of the Republic of Armenia have provided the basis for further Kremlin-Yerevan cooperation and promoted relations to the level of strategic partnership. The strategic partnership and the sustained cooperation that the two countries have had after the collapse of the Soviet Union have provided the Kremlin's strategic interests in the Caucasus region.
According to the above matters, the present article aims to study the political, economic and military-security dimensions of Russian influence in the Republic of Armenia. The main question of this article refers to the interests of Russia towards unification with Armenia. Providing Russia's political and security benefits, including dismantling the Western-European political and military infrastructure (EU-NATO) from the region, along with economic interests, has been the main aim of Russia from cooperation and unity with Armenia. In this paper, it has been attempted to examine Russia's interests in unity with Armenia in a descriptive and analytical way, using the balance of threat theory offered by Stephen Walt