‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.

Abstract This study explores the cultural exchanges between Iran and Anatolia through ceramics from the 2nd to the 8th century AH. During this period, under the influence of empires such as the Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ilkhanid, the transmission of knowledge and artistic styles in pottery between the two regions became widespread.

The aim of the research is to identify the shared ceramic styles of Iran and Anatolia during the 2nd to 7th centuries AH in order to understand the evidence of mutual cultural and artistic influences.

The research questions are as follows:

Which types of ceramics were produced in both Iran and Anatolia?

What role did trade routes and the migration of artists and craftsmen play in the transfer of ceramic technologies and in shaping the styles of Iranian and Anatolian pottery?

This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the data has been collected through library and digital sources.

The findings indicate that ceramic types such as Champleve,, Agh Kand, Lusterware, Mina’i ware, Lajvardina, and turquoise-and-black-painted wares were produced in both regions, yet they exhibit local stylistic differences. Trade routes—particularly the Silk Road and maritime routes—played a crucial role in the transmission of ceramic technologies and in influencing stylistic developments. In addition, the migration of artists and craftsmen, military invasions, and religious and spiritual beliefs significantly contributed to the cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia.

Abstract The present study examines the geopolitical challenges of exploiting oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea between Iran and Turkmenistan. The primary research question is what factors underlie the energy differences between the two countries and whether these differences are solely due to legal issues or are also influenced by national interests and pressure from transregional actors. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that existing geopolitical challenges are the result of a complex interaction among the legal structure, conflicting national interests, and competition between regional and transregional actors. The research method combines analytical and qualitative approaches, utilizing document content analysis and a review of specialized books and articles. Data were collected from written sources, agreements, Caspian conventions, and scientific articles and were examined based on three levels of analysis (structural, national and regional, and transregional). The findings show that the Caspian’s legal ambiguities, the pressure of sanctions and internal Iranian restrictions, Turkmenistan’s export strategies, and the influence of Russia, China, and the United States have all contributed to the persistence and intensification of disputes. These results confirm the research hypothesis and indicate that sustainable management of Caspian energy resources requires a combined approach of joint agreements, active diplomacy, and strengthening domestic capacity.

Abstract In this article, while objectively describing what happened in the past few years, the issue of Afghanistan's importance for Iran, the level of connection and solidarity between the two countries, how the threats from Afghanistan are increasing for Iran and to stabilize What should be done about these links and curbing the increasing threats.
The main question of this article is what Iran should do to control the threats from Afghanistan and stabilize the cultural and economic conditions in the Afghanistan
The claim of this article is that Iran is heavily involved in the costs and consequences of Afghanistan's problems, and it has no choice but to deal with the roots of Afghanistan's problems, and Iran is the only one that can. Iran should bring Afghanistan's issues to peace on the condition of adopting appropriate policies and management and mobilizing capabilities.
This linkage between two countries is unique among Iran's relations with other countries and even less so in the relations between the other two countries. At the same time, the issue of Afghanistan has been neglected in Iran for a long time and the necessary attention is not given to it in decision-making centers, decision-making centers and even research and academic centers. Iran has no other choices rather than takes Afghanistan issue as its top priority and help to solve the roots the problem

Abstract The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and their seizure of power in 2021 has once again revived legal and political debates surrounding the recognition of governments in international law. While most states and international organizations have refrained from officially recognizing the Taliban, the Russian Federation, by adopting a pragmatic approach, has pursued a path of gradual engagement and even some forms of informal recognition. This article, using comparative and legal analysis methods, examines whether Russia’s recognition of the Taliban aligns with or contradicts the principles and practices of international law. Within this framework, key concepts such as the distinction between “de facto” and “de jure” recognition, non-standard governments, and the transformations of the post-Western international order are explored. The article then analyzes the regional implications of this trend for the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These include Iran's use of the Taliban's ambiguous legal status to maintain security and diplomatic advantages, secure a rear front amid tensions with the West and Israel, and preserve its value as a bargaining chip for Russia in its negotiations with the West over Ukraine. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the need to reconsider legal frameworks of recognition in light of emerging geopolitical developments.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union not only reshaped the borders of the Caucasus region but also marked a turning point in the political and social transformations of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Among those affected were non-Azeri Iranian ethnic groups, particularly the Talysh people. This study aims to examine the post-Soviet conditions of these two ethnic groups by exploring their identity, political, and social dimensions. Given the lack of research on the cultural and social agency of these communities, this investigation is deemed necessary. Focusing on understudied ethnic groups can offer deeper insights into identity-based roles in regional developments and the cultural balance of the South Caucasus. Using concepts from contemporary political sociology and a multilayered theoretical framework—including cultural hegemony, identity politics, and the geopolitics of ethnicity—this research analyzes mechanisms of cultural resistance and the growth of identity awareness among these groups. Employing a qualitative approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, the study seeks to answer how the cultural, social, and historical capacities of the Talysh people can be interpreted within the proposed theoretical framework, and how these communities have responded to identity-erasing policies. The hypothesis suggests that due to state-driven homogenization and the absence of independent civil institutions, the Talysh possess limited capacity for political agency. Nevertheless, signs of cultural resistance and the strengthening of intra-group identity awareness are observable.

Abstract The present study aims to phenomenologically analyze the strategies for resolving water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan in the Harirud Basin. This study, using a qualitative approach and interpretive phenomenology method, examines the perceptions and experiences of experts in the fields of water, international relations, and the environment in 1403 to 1404. Sampling was purposefully conducted based on the principle of theoretical saturation, and a total of 20 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 people. The data were analyzed using grounded theory and three-stage coding (open, axial, and selective). The findings showed that the strategies for resolving water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan are categorized into 116 open codes and 11 main categories including “mutual benefits”, “formal and informal diplomacy”, “international institutions”, “education and empowerment”, “economic interactions”, “environmental issues”, “scientific and local synergy”, “executive will”, “cultural and social interactions”, “transparency” and “strategic document”. These categories were organized into seven general areas: political, social, cultural, economic, legal and environmental. The results of this study can help policymakers and decision-makers in responsible institutions to design sustainable solutions and reduce water tensions, especially in the Harirud basin.

Abstract توافق آتش‌بس نوامبر ۲۰۲۰ میان جمهوری آذربایجان و ارمنستان در خصوص منطقه قره‌باغ، نقطه عطفی در ساختار ژئوپلیتیک قفقاز جنوبی محسوب می‌شود که مرزهای سیاسی و موازنه‌های امنیتی منطقه را بازتعریف کرده است. این توافق نه‌تنها قدرت بازیگران محلی را تغییر داد، بلکه نفوذ بازیگران فرامنطقه‌ای را نیز گسترش داد و چالش‌ها و فرصت‌های جدیدی را برای کشورهای همجوار، به‌ویژه جمهوری اسلامی ایران، ایجاد نمود. از منظر راهبردی ایران، پیامدهای این تحولات دوگانه است: از یک سو، بازگشایی مسیرهای ترانزیتی و امکان توسعه زیرساخت‌های انرژی و حمل‌ونقل، فرصت‌های اقتصادی قابل‌توجهی را فراهم ساخته و نقش ایران را به‌عنوان یک بازیگر کلیدی منطقه‌ای تقویت می‌کند؛ از سوی دیگر، تغییر موازنه‌های امنیتی و افزایش حضور نظامی و سیاسی بازیگران خارجی، تهدیدهای بالقوه‌ای برای ثبات مرزهای شمال غربی و امنیت ملی ایران ایجاد می‌کند. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل کیفی، تحولات ژئوپلیتیک پس از توافق ۲۰۲۰ و پیامدهای آن بر منافع اقتصادی و امنیتی ایران را بررسی و ارزیابی می‌کند. یافته‌ها تأکید می‌کنند که اتخاذ سیاست‌های هوشمندانه، متوازن و چندجانبه در تعامل با بازیگران منطقه‌ای، برای حفظ و ارتقای منافع ملی ایران حیاتی است.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and India differ significantly in their foreign policy orientations. While India, despite certain ups and downs, has largely aligned itself with the Western-led global order, Iran has consistently maintained a confrontational stance toward it. Despite these profound differences, the two countries have converged on certain geoeconomic issues—particularly in the South Caucasus and the development of the North-South Corridor—based on their respective national interests. This study seeks to answer the central question: What factors have contributed to the emergence of joint strategic approaches between Iran and India in the South Caucasus, and specifically regarding the development of the North-South Corridor? The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s unique geopolitical and geoeconomic characteristics—and their value to India—alongside the significant mutual benefits derived from this project, have facilitated bilateral cooperation in this shared endeavor. The findings indicate that although the project has achieved relative progress due to its shared advantages, the sustained pursuit of joint strategies in this domain remains contingent upon broader variables at the international system level as well as regional dynamics. Methodologically, this research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and is grounded in the theory of geoeconomics, relying on library-based sources, including academic articles, and specialized news platforms.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyze the impacts of the implementation of the (CPEC) on Iran's geo-economic position. CPEC, one of the major regional infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, includes an extensive network in three main areas of infrastructure, energy, and economic development. Geographically, CPEC is not just a bilateral project that will strengthen relations between China and Pakistan, promote economic development in Pakistan, and enhance China's regional influence in South Asia, but it also has significant regional dimensions and impacts. In terms of subject matter, this project is not necessarily economic and has political, social, and even security dimensions. In this text, CPEC will have impacts on Iran's regional geo-economic position, which will be particularly noticeable in the two areas of energy (gas exports) and infrastructure (transit). This article uses an explanatory method and within the conceptual framework of the new geo-economics attempts to investigate these effects. The findings of the article show that although the impact of CPEC on Iran's geo-economic position is a combination of opportunities and challenges, and from the perspective of opportunity, Iran can adopt a smart policy, including linking its geo-economy with CPEC in the form of its macro-cooperation with China, to use this project as an opportunity for development and strengthening its regional position. However, it seems that its challenging dimension, including by reducing Pakistan's demand for gas imports from Iran and upgrading the transit position of this country, including theGwadar port againstChabahar, will weaken Iran's geo-economic position.

Abstract Emerging powers have been recognized as a new form of power in the international arena. In this regard, some countries, including Iran, can be considered as an emerging power. The research question is: What is the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers in general and the foreign policy strategy of Iran in the Central Asian- the South Caucasus, and Southwest Asia? The research results show that emerging powers mainly use strategies such as hard balancing, Band wagoning, hedging, Accommodation, appeasement, and soft balancing to achieve their goals. In case of Iran, it should be noted that this country is trying to block American hegemony in Central Asia, in the framework of a soft balancing strategy, with the support of Russia and China. In the South Caucasus, it uses a strategy of hedging and balancing from the outside to contain Türkiye and the Republic of Azerbaijan. this country uses different strategies in Southwest Asia and its various subregions. For example, in the Levant, a hard balancing act is being pursued to contain Israel and accommodation to contain Türkiye. In the Persian Gulf, it has used hedging to contain the UAE-Saudi Arabia axis. The aim of this research is to examine the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers, with an emphasis on the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the two environments of Central Asia - Caucasus and Southwest Asia. The research method used is a theory-case matching and qualitative comparison method using a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Deep geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on the relations between Iran and the Republic of Armenia. The geographical location and strategic importance have turned this region into one of the most important regions in the world, and the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors has had a direct impact on this relationship. This research seeks to evaluate the behavioral pattern of Iran and Armenia in the South Caucasus region, especially after the changes caused by the Second Karabakh War in 2020, because the Second Karabakh War changed the balance of regional power, the strategic environment and the perspective of arrangements. It has revolutionized the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. In this regard, the main question of the research is raised in this way, what was the behavior pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Armenia in the South Caucasus region? Using the concept of geo-polynomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern to maintain the balance of power in the South Caucasus region is to expand the political, security and economic relationship with Armenia, especially after the second Karabakh war; Of course, geopolinomic concZangzor Corridor and military-intelligence exchange have remained strong, which after 2020 will increase tensions in the South Caucasus, especially between Iran and the opposite bloc. which includes Azerbaijan, Turkey and thonist regime. We do this important based on the descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative research methods that have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and authentic cyberspace websites.

Abstract  
Seeking to counterbalance international unilateralism, Iran employs a strategy that combines domestic strengths with strategic partnerships, viewing institutions like BRICS as vital platforms. Motivated by a revisionist perspective on the global order, Iran actively cultivates relationships with emerging powers while opposing cooperation with established hegemonic forces. Key objectives, pursued through BRICS membership, include strengthening Iran's geopolitical position and working to delegitimize and contain perceived unilateralist hegemony.

Abstract Nowruz is one of the ancient rituals that is celebrated every year with the beginning of the spring equinox in Iran and the countries affected by the Iranian civilization as well as Turkey. Nowruz is a cultural phenomenon and can be a key element for connecting the countries that organize it. As two neighboring countries, Iran and Turkey have always had social, economic and cultural relationships with each other. One of the most important common cultural elements between Iran and Turkey is the ancient Nowruz. The question of the present article is what are the similarities and differences between Nowruz in the two countries of Iran and Turkey and how is the role of Nowruz in the cultural diplomacy of the two countries evaluated and what are the common cultural lines between Iran and Turkey. It seems that according to the importance of soft power and cultural manifestations, Nowruz can help to deepen cultural relations between Iran and Turkey. The ceremony of welcoming Nowruz, house shaking, Haft Sin table, buying new clothes and seeing and visiting relatives are among the common features of Nowruz between the two countries. From the point of view of differences, Nowruz in different parts of Iran and Turkey has differences regarding how to hold the ceremony and the anthropological differences that have been mentioned. The research method is using library resources and collecting data from articles, books and examining them in a descriptive-analytical way.

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the longest international crises officially started on February 20, 1988. As an important and influential actor in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced the crisis caused by the occupation of lands by Armenia after gaining independence. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict later turned into an international crisis due to the intervention of some foreign powers. It is believed that Turkey's support for the Republic of Azerbaijan is an attempt to expand its sphere of influence both by increasing Baku's position in the conflict and by marginalizing the influence of Iran and Russia in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran's concern about insecurity spilling over into its northwestern borders while opposing foreign intervention in this crisis, it wants to resolve the conflict emphasizing diplomacy and direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The main question of the research is, what strategy do Iran and Turkeye follow regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? The research hypothesizes that Turkeye is trying to fundamentally change the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh in Baku's favor by developing comprehensive relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and securing its regional goals and policies. On the other hand, while opposing any change in its northern borders, Iran has adopted a policy of neutrality towards Karabagh. However, the significant change in the military balance in favor of the Republic of Azerbaijan following the 2020 war has led Tehran to withdraw from its traditional policy of neutrality and openly support the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The qualitative analysis method was used to analyze the data of this research.

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of new independent states, one of the areas that has gradually been at the heart of Zionist Regim's attention is the set of countries in the Central Asian region; because, for Zionist Regim, these countries have special capacities and attractions to its political and security goals and objectives. As a result, Zionist Regim has prioritized its foreign relations, the optimization and development of relations with Central Asian countries, because Zionist Regim's dependence on energy is still ongoing, and these areas can meet the needs of Zionist Regim's fossil fuels and will largely overcome it. On the other hand, in recent years, the developments in the Middle East region, such as the Arab Spring, the importance of political Islam, the spread of jihadi armed movements, and the emergence of Iran as a nuclear power, have led Zionist Regim to increasingly feel threatened and to expand relations with Central Asian Countries to fulfill its goals, including countering the security environment of Iran. Given this important point, this article seeks to find an answer to the question of what goals Zionist Regim is seeking to expand its presence and influence in Central Asia. In line with the search for a logical answer to the question, this hypothesis has been analyzed, "the expansion of the presence and influence of the Zionist Regime in Central Asia, is in the direction of unity and convergence with the countries of this region, to break the siege of the opposing states of Zionist Regim put into creating divergence and putting pressure on Iran's peripheral environment and its national security. The methodological bases in this article are the theories of coalition and divergence, and the research method is also qualitative of causal type.

Abstract Iran neighbors four other coastal countries in the Caspian Sea, among which two countries, Russia and Kazakhstan, are among the largest grain and wheat exporters in the world. Iran also has technology and skills in grain processing and food production, which is always semi-active. The main question is, what is the benefit of the grain corridor in the Caspian Sea for Iran, and how can Tehran provide the basis for its establishment and development?
In this research, two theories of "comparative advantage" and "local comparative advantage" are used, based on which Iran has opportunities like advanced technology for grain processing, legal frameworks such as the Eurasian Economic Union agreement, and an accessible and shorter geographical route like INSTC.
Based on the findings of the research, some mistakes regarding the issue of food security and preventing the import of grains have made Iran unable to become an exporter of processed grains in the world. To answer this challenge, the model of Turkey as one of the largest grain exporters in the world has been compared. The results show that Iran can produce the grain it needs internally and process and import more than its domestic production from Russia and Kazakhstan, then by adding value, export it to other countries.
This is the method that Turkey uses and benefits from its income every year. As a result, according to these factors and Iran's potential to transfer these goods, the Caspian Sea can become an international corridor in the field of grains, creating a type of value chain between the three coastal countries.

Abstract The South Caucasus has always been of interest to major powers, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, it became a stage for regional and extra-regional power competition. Iran and Russia are among the countries that have focused on the South Caucasus and have sought to expand their influence in this region. This region holds significant strategic importance for both Iran and Russia. One of the important crises in the South Caucasus is the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which has had various stages throughout history. The First Nagorno-Karabakh War continued from 1991 to 1994. The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War began on September 27, 2020, and lasted for 44 days. According to the authors, the concept of a "shatter belt" can provide a useful framework for analyzing Iran and Russia's approach to the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh war. In this study, the South Caucasus is considered a shatter belt. In response to the question of "what approach Iran and Russia had towards the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh wars and what factors influenced their approach," the authors propose the hypothesis that "factors such as interest in preserving regional independence and security, mediating in regional conflicts, competing with regional and global powers, internal factors of each country, and the need to realize national interests have influenced Iran and Russia's approach to the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh wars." A descriptive-analytical method has been used to answer this question.

Abstract Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 not only damaged Ukraine’s economy but also put so much pressure on Russia and European countries in gas trade due to the loss of big trade partners. This article aims to answer two main questions: 1- What are the impacts of Russia and Ukraine’s war on the United States and the European Union in the energy area? 2-Does it impact the position of Iran in the energy part in global markets? This research has been done based on the narrative review approach. The findings show the gradual loss of former position in global markets for Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union and the increasing dependency of European countries on the United States in the energy area. If European countries avoid cooperating with huge oil and gas resource-owning countries like Iran, besides aggravating their dependency on the United States, they deprive themselves of cheaper energy resources.

Abstract In a realistic approach, Iran's security interests in the South Caucasus are guaranteed by maintaining the regional balance of power. Therefore, the plan to build the Zanegzur Corridor has led to some speculations about the changing balance of power in this region against Iran. the article examines the possible threats of this corridor against the interests of of Iran and answers the below question: What threats does the plan of Zangezur Corridor against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The findings of the research show that the construction of the Zangezur Corridor in Armenia, based on the plan announced by the Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, changes the regional balance of power against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Therefore, the development of this project is considered as a security threat against Iran's geopolitical and economic interests, the most important of which include the following: The possibility of changing the geopolitics of the borders through blocking the territorial border of Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing the territorial integrity of Iran through the incitement of pan-Turkic sentiments and the revival of Azeri ethno-nationalism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of Iran. Theoretically, this article benefits from the theory of balance of power in the school of realism.

Abstract Strategic culture is one of the new concepts in international relations literature which has been used by Jack Snyder for the first time. Scientific studies regarding the effects of strategic culture on Islamic Republic of Iran’s behavior have been mainly conducted during the two recent decades and specifically after the rise of crises regarding the nuclear power case and ballistic missile program. The main question of the present paper states: how the strategic culture has been shaping the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy regarding Afghanistan from 1358 to 1398? Our provisional answer to this question is that strategic culture, through shaping strategic and consistent behaviors, has led the Islamic Republic of Iran to adopt a consistent and ultra-discourse policy towards Afghanistan from 1358 to 1398, unlike the political and discourse-related developments within the country. The present paper is descriptive-analytical and the researcher gathered the necessary data through library resources, social media and interview with Iran’s foreign policy authorities who have been responsible for Afghanistan issues.

Abstract The crisis can destroy both the lives of people and the legitimacy of governments that provide security and prosperity; challenged and cost a lot. Natural crises that occur all over the world; In some regions, such as Central Asia, it is more extensive and numerous.  Using the experiences of other countries has a significant effect in reducing its destructive effects. For this purpose, this research aims to identify the crisis management and benefit from the common learnings of the three countries of Iran, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan, and has done a comparative study and intends to answer the question of what are the differences and similarities in the type, history, structure and laws of crisis management in Do these countries exist? The study method is qualitative and the data collected from the crisis management documents of the selected countries have been analyzed using Max QDA software. The findings show that these countries, while having relative similarities in the type of crisis, although they differ slightly in terms of history and management structure; However, a comparative study of prevention, preparedness and facing crisis laws shows the difference in legislation, which has also led to different results in practice.

Abstract Abstract
The causes of wars and conflicts at different levels in international relations can be investigated and interrogated from the perspective of threat perception. Threat perception is an intervening factor that effects the decision of countries to enter into war, deterrence, coercion, alliance and any other options. The relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important powers of the Middle East and Southwest Asia, which have undergone a serious metamorphosis especially after the Islamic Revolution and changed from cooperative -oriented to competitive approach, can also be analyzed from this point of view. The question of the present research is how the threat perception has influenced the foreign policy’s direction of Iran and Saudi Arabia (especially in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia) towards each other? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and its data collection method is based on documentary research. This study deals with one of the most recent crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, i.e. the tensions created after the execution of Sheikh Nimr by the Saudi family and the cessation of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 2016. By focusing on this crisis, which is different from the previous crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, this research aims to examine the relevance of threat perception in their foreign relations during this period of time. By applying the theoretical framework of threat perception and Cohen's desired indicators of threat perception, i.e. the statements of decision makers and leaders and their reaction to threats, as well as their confrontational behavior against threat perception, the research findings show that this factor plays a prominent and undeniable role in shaping the foreign policy of the two countries as well as the controversies of their leaders in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia.

Abstract Expansion of NATO and the EU to the East created an atmosphere of strategic uncertainty in Western government relations with Russia, at the cost of intensification of security issue all over Central Eurasia and prompted Moscow into taking tough, and in some cases inconsistent with regional peace and stability, decisions. In these conditions, the convergence of the governments desiring change of global governance can alleviate the aggressive behavior towards the arrogance system and pursue the concept of change in the status quo in a more peaceful manner. The present paper explains this approach based on the impact of “Iran’s Special Ties with Russia in Strategic Spheres” on “Predictability of Moscow Behaviors and Alleviation of Security Challenge in Central Eurasia due to Change of Equation of Russia’s Foreign and Defense Policy from Offence to Defense.” Thus, the paper is seeking a proper answer for the question “What are the reasons and Channels of Iran’s impact on Russian change of approach from offence to defense, and therefore, alleviation of security issues in Central Eurasia?”  The primary answer of the paper to the question lies in “Natural Alliance of Iran and Russia”, and the main reason of Iran’s influence on the development in the Offence-Defense equation of Russia is the “common threats and concerns of Iran and Russia from the West and compatibility of the two countries’ interests in stopping western expansionism in the northern and Western borders”. The current paper is of the Analytical-Descriptive type and the method used is inferential and the findings of the paper which are mostly analyzed based on references to objective-historical evidence and logical reasoning are proof of the truth of the primary answers.

Abstract The collapse of the former Soviet Union, drew the Caspian Sea region out from a pure and calm strategic region and created numerous geopolitical opportunities and challenges for Iran and Russia. This fundamental development caused change in the surrounding Caspian Sea’s political borders and impacted on the legal status of the sea. Iran and Russia’s policies and approaches towards the Caspian Sea legal status fundamentally altered, as well. At the same time, with the emergence of differences of opinions and views among the coastal countries on the legal status and the way to exploit the Caspian Sea resources, there was created a fertile bed for presence and interference of big and extra-regional countries in the Caspian Sea. Under such circumstances, Iran/Russia policy alignment for managing the legal status developments of the Caspian Sea and preventing it from becoming a new hotbed of tensions , as well as, nearing together the opinions and positions of the other coastal countries has been crucial. The pivotal and main question of the present article is what impact Iran and Russia policies toward the legal status of the Caspian Sea can have on the expansion of penta-lateral cooperation among the Caspian Sea coastal countries. In the present paper this question is put to test whether Iran/Russia policies towards the Caspian Sea legal system- apart from the negative historical mindsets between the two countries- due to reasons like geographical continuity, regional requirements, joint destiny and the Caspian Sea vulnerability resulting from presence of the big powers, and concerns about emergence of instability and insecurity in the Caspian Sea, have been more convergent and led to strengthening of cooperation and conclusion of various documents of penta-lateral cooperation among the coastal countries. The present paper is of the Analytical-Descriptive type and the method used is inferential and the data has been analyzed using library and Internet sources.