‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Republic of Azerbaijan is an important country in the South Caucasus which due to enjoying a geopolitical position in the energy sector, especially after the Soviet collapse, has been a battlefield for rivalries among big regional and trans-regional powers. This rivalry has been current in the areas of soft and hard power. Iran and Turkey are among the countries which due to their civilizational and cultural history as well as regional rivalry are present on the political and economic stage of Azerbaijan. Soft power has been a source for rivalry between these two countries in Azerbaijan. Accordingly, this research seeks to answer the question on what elements and coordinates Iran and Turkey soft power rely? The research findings show that both countries emphasize the lingual and religious elements in relation to this republic, and at the same time, the governing difference between Iran and Turkey and their foreign policy orientations have been impacting Azerbaijan’s soft power. Based on the results of the research, Turkey taps into the religious, lingual, ethnic and secular governance elements to further its soft power in Azerbaijan, and Iran’s soft power elements in the Republic of Azerbaijan include cultural-religious elements and a mediating approach in Azerbaijan’s disputes , like in the Karabach crisis. The research method is descriptive-analytical method.                                                        

Abstract Energy security is a cornerstone of foreign policy of the great powers. Energy resources of the Caspian Sea and Central Asia as two critical geopolitical areas are of great importance for regional and trans-regional states. Due to the huge opportunities these two regions present out of the OPEC context, they have appeared as a large chess board. Aimed at energy security and providing diversity of resources, the Caspian region is a great competition scene for players like the US, China, the EU, Russia, Iran, and India. There exists a great game of oil policies and pipeline diplomacies in this region. The present article aims to provide answer for the question what are the challenges and opportunities of the great powers plans in the Central Asia and Caspian for Iran and what are the policy options of Iran to tackle the Challenges? Iran’s policy options in this rivalry is to make efforts to get rid of the sanctions, adopt an economic diplomacy, strengthen domestic infrastructures in order to implement economic activities in the region, contribute to economic plans of great powers in the region and economic investment and partnership with the regional countries in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

Abstract The China’s Belt & Road initiative, impacted the process of policy planning of the target countries. The pivotal question of this paper is how has the Belt & Road Initiative impacted Iran’s policy planning? What factors have changed Iran’s strategy towards the Belt & Road Initiative? The findings of the paper show that Iran’s pivot to East is a sign of the country’s strategy toward this initiative. This impact is evident in Iran-China Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Programme on the macro level and in transportation sector in practical level. How and why Belt & Road Initiative affected Iran’s policy-making in the 11^th and 12^th administrations within the framework of “Theory of Alliance of Interests” is analyzed in the paper. This approach describes the change of policy arising from two factors of “ external fluctuations and shocks on the policy system” , and “ learning practice of policy-makers in the process of decision-making”.

Abstract Culture and cultural elements are important variables of international relations and contemporary scholars have emphasized the role of cultural issues in politics. Cultural diplomacy is an outstanding example of the soft power to pave the way for influence in others through culture, values, and ideas. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s relations with the Russian Federation have seen considerable expansion in many areas in recent years. Although the scale of relations is more evident in some areas as politics, security, and even economy, the growing trend in the cultural, social and human areas can also be seen. In present article, while reviewing Iran’s cultural activities in Russia, Iranian cultural diplomacy approach is studied. The authors will try to answer the question which elements of soft power are more applied in Iran’s cultural relation with Russia. In doing so, by looking into the major activities carried out by the Iranian cultural counselors and other cultural foundations in Russia, their roles in expanding cultural relations of two countries are assessed. The research method of this paper is qualitative analysis of content within the theoretical framework of the theory of soft power and cultural diplomacy.

Abstract The economic relations of Iran and the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union have been in recent years influenced by factors such as the international sanctions, lack of a complementary economic relation, Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union’s members’ dependence on sales of raw materials and energy and geo-economic competition. The US re-imposition of sanctions following Trump administration’s withdrawal from the JCPOA and imposition of economic restrictions, especially in the international trade area, made Iran’s look pivot toward broadening economic ties with its neighbors. Within this framework, the Eurasian Economic Union, due to its low volume of economic relations with the US and the Russian foundations’ dominance over the union, has an appropriate capacity for expanding economic diplomacy, especially under sanctions. The Islamic Republic of Iran, with concluding preferential trade contracts, is trying to compensate for the restrictions created by the US sanctions. The main question of this paper is that, what opportunities does the economic diplomacy of Iran put ahead of the Iranian economy under the sanctions conditions? In this regard, this presumption is put to test that Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union’s economic diplomacy provides grounds for strategic cooperation between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union in the long term by opening a new trade space through reducing tariffs, using the existing capacities of the union and by circumventing  the economic sanctions. The method used in this paper is based on causal explanation as well as collecting information by use of first-hand sources and analysis of the country’s officials’ interviews.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran has, since the 2000s, stressed an eastward policy and the relations with Russia have been a major part of this policy, and this issue, especially in the years 2005 to 2014, has been more seriously pursued in the stated and practical policies. But the main matter in these relations is that, despite an eastward look in the Iranian foreign policy during those years, in practice the political ties were limited during that era followed by reduction of economic exchanges, and in this regard, the impact of the international sanctions, the sanctions approved by the UNSC which were supported by western and eastern countries, has been of great importance, and therefore, this question arises that how far and to what extent have the international sanctions impacted the reduction of Tehran-Moscow relations in the era of eastward policy? The pivotal idea of this paper is that “ the reduction of the two countries’ relations is more influenced by the international sanctions and these sanctions, due to Russia’s compliance with the international normative and security regimes resulted from international agreements and Russia’s approval of the UNSC resolutions  in sanctioning Iran, on one side, and the binding nature of these sanctions, on the other side, have severely reduced the relations of the two sides and made Iran’s eastward policy faced with challenges.” In this paper, for showing the relation of sanctions to the two countries’ ties, the method of codependence of variables has been used and for analyzing the reasons why Russia joined the sanctions resolutions of the UN against Iran, the method of Qualitative Analysis of the existing data in libraries, websites, and the views of some experts has been employed.

Abstract As a new entity, ISIL has carried out the most violent actions under the flag of Islam and pursued the idea of forming “Welayat-i-Khorasan” in its governmental vision. According to this perspective and subsequent steps such as the announcement of the existence of ISIL raises the question of what implications the strengthening of ISIL's presence in Afghanistan will have for the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Based on the Delphi method as one of the well- known techniques in futures studies, the paper has tried to explore different aspects of the issue by taking advantage of the opinions of elites and prominent experts of Afghanistan affairs. In order to answer the above question, seventeen experts on Afghanistan issues who were selected through the Snowball sampling method answered questions about the various aspects of this issue during four Delphi rounds and out of 19 questions, 14 of them came to a consensus. The findings indicate that the strengthening of the presence of ISIL threatens the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran both domestically and internationally. Opportunities such as expansion of technical and intelligence cooperation or establishing regional and international arrangements are likely subject to do so, but are not significant in comparison to the threats posed. Also, regarding the current differences in the form and nature of ISIL's presence in Syria and Afghanistan, it seems that not only Iran cannot choose the exposure method of Syria but also must not do so.

Abstract Economic relations between Iran and Eurasian Economic Union member states in recent years have been affected by factors such as international sanctions, lack of complementary economic relations, dependence of Iran and Eurasian Economic Union members on raw material and energy sales, and geoeconomic competition. The re-imposition of US sanctions following the withdrawal of the Trump administration from the UN Security Council and the imposition of economic restrictions, especially on international trade, has expanded Iran's view of developing economic ties with its neighbors.In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union has a good capacity to expand bilateral relations, especially in the face of sanctions, due to the low volume of economic relations with the United States and the dominance of Russian institutions over the union.The Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to offset US sanctions restrictions by concluding a preferential trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union. The main question of the present article is that what opportunities does the preferential trade agreement between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union face for the Iranian economy in the face of sanctions?In this regard, the hypothesis is tested that the trade cooperation between Iran and the Eurasian Economic Union to open a new business environment by reducing tariffs, using the existing capacities in the union and the conditions for circumventing economic sanctions, the bases of strategic cooperation Provides Iran and the Union in the long run.

Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus.
Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor.
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Abstract Economy has been an inseparable part of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kazakhstan Republic’s relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Trade relations between the countries have had an impressive growth and a substantial number of legal documents have been signed in order to facilitate trade relations between two countries. However after 2000 rise and fallhas been witnessed in the bilateral trades due to political economy. Against this background both countries made some attempts to stabilize their relations through political and economic mechanisms.             The authors try to find an answer for the following question: Which model of political economy has been used by Iran and Kazakhstan to stabilize the economic relations since 2010 to 2020? They argue that Iran and Kazakhstan have usedmultilateral trends of political integration with the pivotal role of geo-economic objectives. Therefore the two countries have cooperated in different multilateral frameworks including economic unions, common legal platforms and international transit projects. One of the achievements has been paving the ground for Iran’s partnership in Eurasian Integration.

Abstract The independence of the Central Asian and South Caucasus republics in the early 1990s and the establishment of new states along the Caspian Sea inevitably affected the legal status of the Caspian Sea, which had been formed incompletely by previous treaties, and the unilateral actions of the Caspian Sea littoral states in the field of exploitation of the sea's energy resources and the signing of oil and gas contracts with large Western companies had caused disagreements and ambiguities about the legal regime of the sea and the exploitation of undersea resources. The influx of Western oil and gas companies to exploit the black gold in the Caspian Sea, along with the difficulties of not determining the legal regime of the Caspian Sea, further widened the differences between the littoral states and prolonged the negotiation process to reach a comprehensive agreement. The signing of the "Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea" as an important achievement, while resolving many ambiguities and disagreements on the issues regarding the Caspian Sea, will determine the general framework of cooperation among littoral states and will turn the Caspian Sea into another pole of regional cooperation. This article has been compiled with the aim of exploring the causes and areas of cooperation among littoral states in the light of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea and seeks to provide an appropriate answer for the following question; "how the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea could affect and improve cooperation among littoral states?" The article hypothesizes that by removing many ambiguities about the legal regime of the Caspian Sea, the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea, creates new opportunities for cooperation among littoral states. The present article is of qualitative (descriptive-analytical) type and using methodology (inductive-inferential), the data have been analyzed by library study and documentary analysis.

Abstract Over the past few years, various viewpoints have beenproposed about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic development through its convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Some scholars argue that the necessity of Iran’s economic developments by means of regional economic convergence should put the EEU’s records of cultural relations and its member states’ geopolitical importance at the focal point of Iran’s economic foreign policy consideration. Others believe that converging with the EEU could pose some challenges to Iran and pave the way for Russia’s expansionist policies resulting in its greater political and economic influence in the region that will entangle Iran in a geopolitical rivalry. This study attempts to analyze the economic opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran resulting from its convergence with the EEU to answer for the following question: What economic opportunities will the integration of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the EEU create? The author argues that the mentioned convergence will reduce the impact of western sanctions and prepare the ground for Iran’s and its neighbors’ economic development as well as their foreign trade expansion.

Abstract Science diplomacy has gained increasing importance in the field of international relations in the light of the rapid growth and increasing role of knowledge and technology in human life in the 21^st century. On the one hand Iran's tendency to advance in the fields of science and technology and its achievements in these fields, and on the other hand the approach taken by its diplomatic apparatus in using soft power and its concentration on the increasing cooperation with its neighbors, have proposed science diplomacy as a suitable instrument to help Iran achieve its objectives. In this context, this study, utilizing a descriptive-analytical method, has tried to assess Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia as one its neighbor. First, a comprehensive picture of the concept of science diplomacy is provide, then while presenting a general picture of Iran-Armenia relations, the various dimensions of Iran’s applied science diplomacy in relations with Armina are examined. The authors have tried to answer for the following questions: “What are the positional and dimensional features of Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia? And by what means and how can this type of diplomacy be promoted?” The hypothesis put to test is that "Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia is not commensurate with the potential capacities and there are missing elements in all its dimensions that require initiatives to be noticed and incorporated in order to promote the ties. In the concluding part of the article, the findings, their analyses and results achieved have provided solid ground to offer suggestions to improve Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia.

Abstract Belt- Road Initiative as China’s foreign policy great strategy was proposed in 2013 by President Xi Jinping, and is known as China’s foreign policy spearhead. Since it includes many regional countries, the initiative has made its relevant actors design policies for optimizing its benefits and reducing its challenges. The author tries to define possible challenges of the Belt – Road Initiative for Iran. Therefore she tries to answer the following question: How the challenges of the Belt – Road Initiative are assessed? The challenges are addressed through two prisms: 1. negligence to Iran’s potentialities (as the factors of its effectiveness reduction); 2. foreign threats (as the factors that influence on Iran).
The present literature argues that although China always claims prosperity and economic integration as the goals of its Belt and Road Initiative, its approach is practically reflecting political and security consequences. Neorealism theory is used as the theoretical framework in this article.
 

Abstract “Iran nuclear deal” and the “P5+1” countries is of the important political events in the regional and even international levels, which can overshadow and affect Iran's relations with many governments. This event which in the context has been mentioned as "Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA), is a «historical agreement», which has sparked the reaction of many countries, particularly great powers of the international system. Therefore, with consideration to the presence of Russia in Iran's nuclear program and its special role as one of the five permanent members of the “UN Security Council” on how to advance the case, this article studies the policies and orientations of Russia against “Iran Nuclear Deal” and the “P5 + 1” countries, and tries to discuss the practical dimensions of the foreign policy orientation of this country. The main question of this article is: What approach has Russia taken towards “Iran Nuclear deal” and how its orientation has been during the “post-Nuclear Deal” (Post-JCPOA) with respect to Iran? Also this hypothesis is raised that, meanwhile; Russia has a positive attitude towards “Nuclear Agreement ”in order to maintain its economic and political interests and status, both in Iran and the regional as well as international arenas, it has developed a bilateral and multilateral cooperation with Iran in various aspects with a pragmatic and cautious approach. To study the mentioned idea, first, the theoretical foundations related to foreign policy orientation of the governments and the Economic sanctions are discussed, and then Russia's policy towards "Nuclear Deal" and the factors affecting its formation will be analyzed. The method of research in this article is descriptive-analytical and it was written through using library resources and Cyberspace.

Abstract Since the ownership of border rivers is not entirely in the hands of a certain country, exploiting and employing these rivers have been always a controversial issue within many governments. Hirmand Border River which originates from Kabul West Mountain and pours into Hamoun pond after traveling 1050 Km has been of the legal issue between Iran and Afghanistan since assigning the Paris agreement in 1857. This paper seeks to answer this question that what are the legal aspects of exploiting Hirmand River, and what principles dominate the international rivers in terms of international law? Thus, based on different approaches to the dominant lawful regime on international rivers, the present paper based on statutory rules, practice and votes of international courts, and government approachesaims to recognize the dominating principles on international rivers and apply them to Hirmand River. Ultimately, this study suggests that the international law principles of international rivers have accepted “the principle of limited territorial sovereignty” on international rivers. And in accordance with international laws principles, rivers whose basins are located in another country, the upstream country cannot change or drift the route of that river or any other act which does harm to downstream countries.

Abstract Strategic decision-making in foreign policy arena needs a strict cognition of external realities, self-potentialities, scrutinizing possible options, and an exact calculation of the costs and the achievements of each action. Therefore, cognition and analysis of the environment is a necessity for foreign policy and is in the center of executive attention. This necessity is rooted in the activeness of the environment and ignoring it would lead to some irreparable damages that would endanger national security and interests. Having a clear perspective towards future events/developments is another advantage of environment analysis, which helps avoid facing unpredictable events. Central Asia region in the neighboring of Iran is a priority area for its foreign policy. Iran and the region of Central Asia are interconnected to the extent that developments in each impact the other. Therefore a systematic and scientific study on the evolutions of Central Asia is essential for the foreign policy of Iran. Using scientific methods of environment analysis in the field of strategic management, the authors attempt to find an appropriate model for environment analysis in Central Asia.  

Abstract The United States has been one of the most dynamic and influential actors in Central Asia during the past two decades. In fact, the imperatives of the US hegemony in the post-cold war world, in different terms such as colonialism and imperialism, caused the United States to be present in a far distant region on the basis of the three principles of promotion, expansion and interventionism. The existence of three US rivals; Russia, China and Iran in the neighborhood of this region and interaction or opposition of these three regional powers with the US goals, policies and approaches has shaped a large part of the New Great Game. The above circumstances raise the following question: What approaches are taken by Russia, China and Iran to oppose or reduce the US influence in Central Asia? Have these approaches or reactions been the same or they have different natures? To answer these questions, a hypothesis is advanced that the behavioral models of Russia, China and Iran have not been the same and they have had some different experiences based on their relative advantages in geographical, geopolitical, political, defensive, security, cultural and civilizational fields of Central Asia as well as their respective bilateral relations with the US. This article tries to test this hypothesis and to provide a convincing, comprehensive and logical answer to the mentioned question by applying the theory of hegemony and some concepts such as counter- hegemonic as well as hard and soft balance

Abstract In the multipolar system with the supremacy of a single pole, international agendas are usually determined by the hegemonic power. The hegemonic power has also more freedom of act in determination of goals, interests and countering with its oppositions in a comparison with bipolar and multipolar structures. An example of the mentioned composition of international agendas can be seen in the area of determining energy corridors. TAPI pipeline is a good instance. This pipeline has been proposed as an alternative of the peace pipeline. Despite its strategic and geo-economic situation of Iran, this project tries to exclude Iran from regional and international political equations. This literature addresses the following main question: Which factors lead to the suspension of the executive trend of the peace pipeline and its being replaced by TAPI pipeline? In order to answer the mentioned question, the following hypothesis is used: Structural pressures of the international system through “socialization” and “competition”, and their impact on decisions and policy makings of those countries that participated in the TAPI gas pipeline project, are the main cause for the suspension of the executive trend of peace pipeline and its being replaced by TAPI pipeline.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and Armenia enjoy amity and a relationship free from tension due to geopolitical concerns and an overlap of their interests and foreign policy goals. This has led to an increase in bilateral economic cooperation. Nevertheless, having a limited and fragile economy, Armenia has never been meeting economic needs of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Still, Yerevan can play a significant role as a linking bridge for the exportation of gas to the Caucasus, Ukraine and Eastern Europe, through the pipeline, known as "White Stream". This paper argues that the possible involvement of Iran in the White Stream project is favorable to the interests of exporting countries, transit countries and end-users, while the energy strategies of the United States and Russia are considered as a hindrance for that. Ukraine crisis in 2014 has added to this complexity, though it has highlighted the importance of the issue.  

Abstract Collapse of the Soviet Union has transformed power relations and balance of forces at regional levels. Furthermore, the regional and trans-regional powers that had been previously deprived of playing a key role by the former Soviet Union, were given the chance to increase their influence in south of the former Soviet Union. This is while Iran and Turkey have started fierce rivalry to influence over Central Asia and the Caucasus. These two regional countries neighboring Central Asia and the Caucasus enjoy long standing geographical and historical background and age-old civilizations. Thus Understanding the basis of Iran and Turkey foreign policies on Central Asia and the Caucasus and the factors affecting them are of great significance. The current research aims to assess the basis of the foreign policies adopted by Iran and Turkey as the influential factors in convergence or divergence of these two countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus in line with their capabilities. It also analyzes consequences of the policies adopted by these two countries in regard to the combinational theory. The main question of the current research is: What is the basis of foreign policies adopted by Iran and Turkey in the new geopolitics of Central Asia and the Caucasus. The research attempts to analyze foreign policies of Iran and Turkey in the light of four common variables of the New Theory2 including patterns of amity and enmity between the states, mutual and heavy dependence, geographical proximity, economic and geopolitical factors of power, i.e. rich energy resources, transit routes, etc.

Abstract The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share a deep common historical trauma rooted in the Soviet era and suffer from a disserviceexperience. Economic mismanagement, corruption, social hardship, weak institutions, conflicting tendencies toward authoritarianism and reformism, ethnic discords, border unrests and several silent crises in the region are the Soviet legacy for the three countries. The article seeks to examine the security problems of South Caucasus (Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia), trans-regional powers' views (United States, EU, NATO) toward the security of South Caucasus and perspective of the regional powers (Turkey, Russian Federation, the Islamic Republic of Iran) visa-a-vis the region. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of "regional security complexes" initiated by Barry Buzan, but will be integrated with his new theory of inter-subjective securitization to propose a layout beyond the classic theory of security complexes.

Abstract Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the main regional institutions in which Iran may utilize, with its effective presence in it, from its instrumental and rightfulness capacities to increase its interests. Despite the micro interests, one of the macro advantages of effective membership in the organization is the relative participation in regulating the border arrangements of the country's north. In spite of these clear advantages, existing trends indicate that Tehran doesn't an effective role in it. Among various factors, applying single way approach rather pragmatic one and its reliance on "prior assumptions" such as substantive opposition of the SCO to the West, "assumptions" of perpetual "hostility" between Moscow and Washington and considering Russia as a "strategic partner" for Iran are of main reasons in this failure. With the help of "friends" in the organization, as a consequent, Iran has been seeking a counter front against the West. Contrary, relying on the principle of "pragmatism" in its foreign policy, Russia has always been simply considering SCO and its members as a means for securing its own “real” interests. Comparing Tehran with Moscow’s approach toward SCO with a descriptive explanatory method, the article is to analyze the cause of Iran’s failure in its presence.

Abstract Looking deep into the Central Asia will reveal a region with plenty of intact talents and capacities drawing regional and ultra regional powers' attention to. Iran has also deep ties and many commonalities with the Central Asia. Despite the incentives and the willingness of both Iran and the countries in the region and even the considerable progress in multilateral relations, there is still much to manage using these capacities for regional cooperation and integration. There exist issues including energy and its transport, transit of goods, mutual economic needs, Islamic extremism, drug trafficking, identity and cultural crises, that needs Iran to deal with in the regional extensive cooperation and integration.

Abstract Energy security is generally defined as to the availability of adequate and reliable supply of energy to meet the demand and is of issues linked directly to the governments and the political units. Having considerable reserves of energy and privileged geopolitical situation (neighboring the two oil-rich Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea regions), Iran has always drown the regional as well as international powers' attention.             Iran's situation in oil and gas production and their transportation in a relatively stable Persian Gulf have always been acknowledged by all actors, but this role in the Caspian Sea requires more attention within the Iranian decision-makers due to severe and rapid changes after the Soviet collapse. In addition to serious attempts in reaching consensus on the Caspian Sea legal regime based on our national interests, extensive ties with the Caspian Sea littoral states, especially the Russian Federation and the Republics of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan should not be neglected.           This article is attempting to discuss different aspects of energy security, Iran's stand, current and under construction transportation routes and the policies pursued by international and regional powers.