‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states on the shores of the Caspian Sea, the lake has become one of the most complex and important geopolitical and geoeconomic arenas in the world in the 21st century. This landlocked body of water is no longer known solely for its vast energy reserves; it now functions as a “geoeconomic axis” at the heart of a major competition for control of the trade arteries of Eurasia. This research seeks to demonstrate that the contemporary importance of the Caspian is defined by its role as a field of competition and cooperation for transit corridors, a silent battle in which railways, modern ports, and highways are the main weapons of regional and transregional actors to redraw the map of power, influence, and global trade. This research uses the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism and analyzes and examines the hypothesis using a descriptive method and the author's field experiences.

Abstract Azerbaijan, by relying on the rich oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea and projects such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor, has been able to solidify its position as a key player in ensuring Europe's energy security. This policy not only has a foreign dimension but also acts as a tool for internal legitimization. Despite pressures from Russia and Turkey, as well as the developments related to the war in Ukraine, Baku has managed to create a pragmatic balance among the interests of various actors. The main question of the article is: how have energy resources (oil and gas) served as a strategic tool in securing and advancing the macro objectives of the Republic of Azerbaijan in its interaction with the European Union? The research hypothesis is that by adopting a realist approach and utilizing energy as both a lever of pressure and a tool for engagement, Azerbaijan has been able to both elevate its position within the Eurasian and European energy order and use it as an instrument to strengthen internal legitimacy. This article employs the theoretical framework of realism, a qualitative analysis research method, and utilizes secondary sources including scientific articles, reports from research centers, and statistical data up to the year 2025.

Abstract American pragmatists consider the realist and liberal tradition in international relations to be inefficient and believe that most of the successes of American foreign policy have been achieved with a pragmatic approach and a peaceful method and emphasis on diplomacy. At first, Biden's foreign policy was organized around the issue of human rights and democracy, but the outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine caused a change in priorities. Therefore, by transitioning from liberalism to pragmatism in foreign policy, he tried to manage this crisis. The purpose of this article is to examine the change of priorities and approaches in Biden's foreign policy after the Russia-Ukraine war. The question of this article is: What did the Russia-Ukraine war cause? Has there been a change in the priorities of Biden's foreign policy? The hypothesis of this research, which tries to be proven with analytical and explanatory methodology and emphasis on objective and tangible political facts, is: that understanding the war between Russia and Ukraine as a strategic threat from the government Biden changed the approach in American foreign policy to manage this crisis. In such a way that pragmatism became the focal point and central core of Biden's foreign policy, and issues such as human rights and democracy are marginal issues.  

Abstract Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 not only damaged Ukraine’s economy but also put so much pressure on Russia and European countries in gas trade due to the loss of big trade partners. This article aims to answer two main questions: 1- What are the impacts of Russia and Ukraine’s war on the United States and the European Union in the energy area? 2-Does it impact the position of Iran in the energy part in global markets? This research has been done based on the narrative review approach. The findings show the gradual loss of former position in global markets for Ukraine, Russia, and the European Union and the increasing dependency of European countries on the United States in the energy area. If European countries avoid cooperating with huge oil and gas resource-owning countries like Iran, besides aggravating their dependency on the United States, they deprive themselves of cheaper energy resources.

Abstract Turkey’s energy consumption has been increasing during recent years due to the country’s economic growth. This issue, accompanied by inadequate fossil fuel (oil and gas) resources, is one of the most effective elements in turkey’s foreign relations with the most important energy providing countries which provide energy for turkey. In addition to studying Turkey’s energy strategy regarding Azerbaijan and Iraq, this research tries to assess the success or failure of this strategy. The main question of this paper states: turkey’s energy strategy towards Azerbaijan and Iraq has been shaped based on which elements and how is it evaluated? The hypothesis of the research is that turkey’s energy strategy is based on diversifying energy (oil and gas) providing countries and reducing reliance on limited number of countries in providing energy and on the basis of this approach, turkey has been paying more attention to Caspian Sea and Middle East regions, especially the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iraq. The findings of this research, which has been conducted on the basis of descriptive-analytical method, indicates the expansion of Turkey’s relations with Azerbaijan and Iraq based on the volume of oil and gas exchanges and diversity of energy lines with the centrality of Turkey; this shows that turkey’s energy strategy has been successful.

Abstract In recent two decades, Turkey has consolidated its presence in Central Asian countries and played an active role in political and cultural spheres in this region. Through cultural and ethnic ties and also reconstructing their economies structurally, Turkey has been able to extend its influence in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research addresses the purposes and implications of Turkey’s presence in Central Asia and for answering the main question, this hypothesis has been tested that Turkey is trying to create the organization of Turkish speaking countries in order to promote its political, security, and cultural influence and avoid lagging behind Iran and Russia. Data gathering method has been document-based, research strategy has been deductive, and research methodology has been based on process detection inspired by economic diplomacy literature within the realist theory. The findings of the research indicate that the main purposes of Turkey for promoting economic diplomacy in Central Asia are as follows: rivalry with Iran and Russia, establishing the council of Turkish-speaking countries, changing its geopolitical position, diversification of its energy resources, military cooperation, security issues, and etc.

Abstract An increase of energy consumption in China since last two decades and the same continuous perspective for future has made the issue of fossil fuel provision a vital and significant factor for the country. An access to safe energy resources is an important element for guaranteeing the revitalization trend as China’s strategic choice. Therefore one of the prominent foreign diplomacy trends for China is to have an access to convenient energy resources and to diversify its import hubs as well as to extend its relations with countries that are rich in hydro carbonic resources, especially in Caspian region. Furthermore considering its rich gas resources, Turkmenistan’s strategic plan is to become a strategic actor in energy area. During the presidency of Bardi Mohammadov, de-isolation was one of the foreign policy priorities as well as attracting foreign investment and access to diversified foreign markets through development of gas transportation routes.
The present article attempts to assess the impact of energy on foreign policy and bilateral relations. The hypothesis of the literature is that energy has paved the way for Turkmenistan – China relations and Central Asia – China gas pipeline has been the startup of the mentioned cooperation. This article is written using explanatory – analytical description and the theory of economic interdependency.

Abstract   In international relations today, dominance on oil and gas resources and their pipelines draw attention of many policy makers. Therefore those countries that possess energy – oriented policies make most of their decisions upon their energy resources. Russia also uses energy as leverage for reinstruction of its power while it exports natural gas to Europe. Facing a reduction in its military power and its political position, as well as structural economic problems, and using a pragmatist approach, Russia acknowledges its energy resources as the most important element for wining in international competitions. Therefore it tries highly to use its energy resources as a political weapon and an important leverage in its foreign policy.
The present article attempts to answer the following question: Which strategies in energy area are used by Russia and how its goals are assessed? The article argues that Russia tries to use energy as leverage in interaction with other countries so that it can gain control over energy markets and play a significant role in world’s political and geopolitical issues. 

Abstract With the decline of the Kemalist discourse and the victory of the Islamists, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone fundamental changes. Contrary to the past, Ankara's ambitions does not consider Turkey as  a bridge between  East and West, but a central country among strategic areas such as the Caucasus and Central Asia, the Balkans, and the Middle East. The Neo-Ottomanism doctrine of the AKP seeks to expand Turkish influence in the periphery and integrate it with those societies under the goal of gaining global strategic importance for Turkey. Despite the failure of Ankara's integrationist approach in some geographic areas such as the Middle East, the main question of the paper implies the factors that have contributed to the success of Turkey's peripheral approach toward the Republic of Azerbaijan. It seems that ethnic and cultural ties, strong economic relations especially in the field of energy and the geopolitical weight of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the geopolitical competitions of Turkey and Russia have facilitated the cooperation of Turkey with the Republic of Azerbaijan.            The main purpose of this article is to examine the foreign policy of the Justice and Development party in the Caucasus and in relation to the Republic of Azerbaijan. In this paper, attempts are made to analyze the reasons for the success of Turkey's peripheral approach toward the Republic of Azerbaijan in a descriptive and analytical way and using the convergence theoretical framework

Abstract South Caucasus is one of the regions in the world which faces with numerous challenges considering the security area and after two decades of the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has not reached the political and economic integration yet. In this region, there is a kind of cooperation and rivalry among Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia and also among these countries with external players. These three countries have pursued different and sometimes contradictory paths and participated in different organizations, programs, agreements and coalitions. The EU and Russian Federation are two important actors in the South Caucasus. Framing the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership, the EU has sought to play a more highlighted role in the region. The Russia-Georgia war in 2008 and the EU's intervention especially the French government's initiative led to Brussels' pronounced role. Considering the South Caucasus as its near abroad, Russia with formulating mechanisms such as the Eurasian Economic Union tries to counter the influence of NATO and the EU's in the region. In this article, the factors influencing on the EU-Russia's differences in the South Caucasus will be studied. The hypothesis will be as "differences in perception of security, securing energy security, a bid to establish sphere of influence and economic benefits have led to Brussels- Russia's differences and disputes. The research approach used in this article is analytic-descriptive.  

Abstract With increasing economic dependence of world on hydrocarbon energy resources, and ongoing tensions in the Middle East and the emergence of Russia as a major player in the global energy market; the resources of oil and gas in Central Asia and their transportation routes to consumer markets have been greatly considered by the great industrial powers. There have been decades of long struggles over controlling natural oil and gas resources and infrastructures, and influence of central Asia that has been called "the new great game" between Europe, China, Russia and America, and each of these powers were trying to outpace each other in order to obtain more influence in the region. In the years of the Soviet Union collapse and the discovery of huge reserves of oil and gas in Central Asia, the competition between the great powers has been intensified. On the one hand, the Russians by confining all the exporting routes of their land have tended to maintain their traditional influence and control over the newly independent states. On the other hand, the United States has entered in the region as a serious competitor, and as a fan of the paths that will lead to its own long-term goals and geopolitical interests. Also, China with its strong incentives to be present in Central Asia and to challenge the hegemonic policies of America and also to achieve the regional energy resources and huge market has entered in this competition. Although Russia is the major power in Central Asia's resources, the presence of new players such as America, and especially China and the efforts of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to find alternative ways to transport oil and gas have faced the Russian interests with some challenges in the region. Accordingly, the authors of this article ask this question: who is going to win the power game of having control over Central Asia's resources? Our hypothesis is that due to China's economic growth and the need of this country to the huge oil and gas resources as well as the development of Beijing's relationships with Central Asian neighbors; in the future China will be the main power in the region.    

Abstract Ukraine has an important position in the foreign policy of Russia. Geopolitical location as well as cultural and historical commonalities is vital to Ukraine’s position in the Russian foreign policy. Ukraine can design and employ a flexible and pragmatic policy as an opportunity to serve its national interests. The research question is to what extent are the consequences of political crises in Ukraine's foreign policy towards Russia and the West? The hypothesis of this article is that, The Ukrainian unilateral foreign policy toward the West has led to various crises in this country, which has endangered its national interests and territorial integrity. Ukrainian civil war can be seen in this context. Changes that began in 2013 in Ukraine were another aspect of the pro-West and anti-Russian efforts. In conclusion, the civil war and the separatist factions in Ukraine have turned this country an area for rivalry between Russia and the West.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an extraordinary opportunity for China to enforce political and economic process in the Central Asian region. Proximity of the border of China and the Central Asian countries with rapid economic growth of China, have imposed certain conditions on Central Asian countries' relations with it. In general, bilateral relations between China and the countries of this region are not excepted from universal process of economic diplomacy of Beijing. Existence of considerable energy resources in strategic region of Central Asia has caused Beijing to pay more attention to the region. In addition to geopolitical neighborhood and special importance of this region for China, Beijing leaders are developing economic relations with countries in the region as their foreign policy agenda to maintain social and political stability inside the country, particularly in border areas such as Xinjiang. The insecurity in the western borders of Muslim province of Xinjiang, which is on the border of China and Central Asian countries; has forced China to develop relations with the Central Asian republics.    Also, the influence of United States on Central Asia after September 11, 2001 has been a far-fetched incident for the Chinese and overall strategy of China towards its neighbors. The combination of these factors affected Chinese foreign policy and its conduced of objectives and interests in the Central Asian has undergone special considerations and strategies.            The main question of this article is that whether China can upgrade its position as to the first grade in competition with the major powers to become the first power in the Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that, due to the increasing presence of US and Russia in the economy of the region, China probably cannot gain first place in relations with Central Asian states until the next decade.  

Abstract After the Cold War, relationships among the European countries and Russia entered into a new phase. Despite the rise in of interactions between Brussels and Moscow through cooperation agreements, 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, Energy Roadmap 2050, and other partnerships in such regards as fighting against terrorism and WMDs, these two actors are in wide divergences and rivalries in some areas. Although economic significance of Russia for Europe has been on the rise during recent years, there have been major vicissitudes in political relations. In its new presidency period of Putin, Russia has been making fresh attempts to gain its previous position. In many cases, however, Moscow’s interests and values are put in stark contrast with those of Europe’s. In the present study, divergence and rivalry dimensions between the EU and Russia are to be investigated. Areas like energy (in spite of interdependencies), renovation, South Caucasus, common neighborhood, and security are, as believed by the authors, confronting major disagreements.

Abstract Increasing role of energy and economy in international relations, has forced the states to find new economic resources in other parts of the world. Russia as an energy superpower in the world is trying to revive the authority of the Soviet era. Extension of influence in the former Soviet Union Republics is one of the major tools for Russia to implement this goal. Huge resources of energy in Central Asia, has persuaded Russia to be active in this region. For this purpose, Russia has promoted its political and economic relations with Central Asian states to become a great power in the "New Abroad" region. Russia is trying to maintain its supremacy in the world energy markets by controlling region's energy. Russia has tried to holds Central Asian Republics in the sphere of its influence through increasing control over the region's energy resources, deployment of its forces in Central Asia and creating of regional organizations. Russia wants weak Central Asian republics in terms of defense and economy and through that policy maintains its dominance on these countries. The main question is "whether Russia can maintain its influence in Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that considering the importance of energy which is on the rise within international economies and in creasing presence of other powers in Central Asia ,a tight competition is forged in the region that can Russia’s dominance and in flounce in Central Asia.

Abstract The Russian Gazprom, one of the world's leading oil giants, is not only dominating over most Russian gas resources, but have made a vast attempt to seize the world energy markets as well. Accordingly, the company is now enjoying a prominent position in the strategic energy equation. Without any support from Russian government, Gazprom could have not actualized the dream. Aiming at examining the stance of Gazprom in the World energy equations, the article is to explore the company's attempt to expand its global markets.

Abstract Presidents of EU and its six eastern neighboring countries            - including Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldavia – signed a declaration that has been known as “Eastern Partnership” in May 2009, in order to build the framework of their future relationships. Before the year 2001, these countries did not enjoy a peculiar position in the EU’s foreign policy; but military operations in Afghanistan, increased their pivotal role to ensure NATO continued presence in this country. Considering Russia’s attempts in the past years to regain its former power, and pursuing a more aggressive policy, which sometimes clashes with western interests, the " Eastern Partnership initiative " can threaten Russia’s interests in the region, in the long term. Indeed it is possible to evaluate this initiative in the frame of the utilization of EU’s soft power to ensure the regional countries support of EU policies

Abstract Increasing energy consumption and lack of alternative sources for fossil fuels are the main concerns for the industrialized nations of the world. Security of energy supply sources and routes are of high importance for these countries, including the European Union. To reduce its vulnerability and to diversify both sources and routes, the EU has paid special attention to the South Caucasus, but security problems and Russia's influence in the region has encountered some challenges.             To address these challenges and meet its energy security needs, the EU has used a variety of tools and strategies. This article tries to study the EU's energy security strategy and the threats imposed on it in the South Caucasus region. It also shows the EU's attempt to support democratic process and economic liberalization inside the countries of the region and to strengthen the integrating process and its subsequent relationship with the European structures, and the way through which it has increased its presence in the region.

Abstract The discovery of Oil, Gas, and its diverse utilization has had a major role in the transformation of industries, and acknowledged as a central basis for social development. In these conditions, future of energy resources and how to organize it's production, transportation and usage have been the major goals and challenges of the producers and consumers of energy; it has also helped to shape bilateral, regional and international relationships between countries. In the past decade, the energy security has caused the increasing of strategic importance in relations between producing, consuming and transit routes. Among regions blessed with energy resources, the Caspian and Caucasian regions have a major part in providing the energy needed on a global basis, and it is possible to increase this part by encouraging regional cooperation. This article, basing on energy resources and regional cooperation, proposes the following theory: after the Georgian crisis in August 2008 and considering the changes in global and regional processes, new conditions have aroused in Caucasus, that its major component is the weakening of contrasting and competitive approaches and strengthening the cooperative and transactional approaches. On such basis and with regard to the changing views of regional countries’ leaders, the concept of energy can be considered an appropriate groundwork in creating ties between the producing, transporting and consuming countries. This article claims that the realization of this matter is only possible by the adoption of an appropriate policy regarding regional cooperation in order to better utilize the resources and by giving utmost priority to long-term goals as opposed to short-term goals.

Abstract Russia and European Union have been witnessing relation between ups and downs after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the same time, they possess common historical, cultural and political links. The EU and Russia are important economic partners, in particular in the field of energy. Particularly on energy. Russia enjoys rich natural gas sources and EU is a large consumer. At the top level, however, the relationship has also become irritable, essentially because of different world views of the two parties. It seems that extension of economic and commercial ties will result to interdependence and strategic partnership between Russia and EU. The EU is the largest investor in Russia and its weight has further increased, both in absolute and relative terms, after enlargement. The enlarged EU is Russia’s most important trading partner, with energy dominating Russia’s exports to the EU and manufacturing products being the EU’s major export item to Russia. To conclude, The EU and Russia will find themselves interacting on a huge agenda of common interests and concerns. They will need an ordered relationship because they are ever-closer neighbors. Furthermore, energy will create economic interdependence between EU and Russia, and it will lead to strategic partnership in the future.