‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract In recent years, soft power has emerged as one of the principal pillars of countries' foreign policies, particularly in strategically vital regions such as the South Caucasus. This article addresses the fundamental question of how the Islamic Republic of Iran can leverage its soft power capacities to counter the expansion of relations among Turkey, Israel, and the Republic of Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus—relations that, relying on security, economic, and transit linkages, have influenced the regional balance of power. The research methodology is based on content analysis of official documents, credible scholarly sources, and secondary data spanning the period from 2010 to 2024, employing the theoretical framework of Nye and Papp. The study's hypothesis posits that the targeted application of the Islamic Republic of Iran's soft power components—through enhancing regional legitimacy and persuasive power—can lead to a reduction in the geopolitical influence of the Turkey–Israel–Azerbaijan cooperation in the South Caucasus. Four key strategies are examined: preventing access to territory, wedging diplomacy, demonstrating national resolve for balancing, and delegitimizing the hegemon. The findings indicate that Iran, by capitalizing on shared cultural and historical ties, religious diplomacy, and active participation in regional institutions, can effectively resist these relations and consolidate and strengthen its position within the security architecture of the South Caucasus.

Abstract The South Caucasus region, as part of Iran's civilizational sphere, is of geostrategic importance to the Islamic Republic of Iran beyond the equations related to state-nation relations and geographical borders. Among the countries of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan is of particular importance to Iran in terms of its size, population, natural resources, extensive border with Iran, Shiite religion, Azeri ethnicity, and cultural and civilizational issues. Despite the great potential for convergence and cooperation between the two countries, the instability of bilateral relations has been the main characteristic of the relations between the two countries throughout the history of more than 30 years of relations. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan are two neighboring countries with high cultural similarities that have been in an unstable atmosphere of bilateral relations due to numerous factors. The two countries have many aspects of interaction in bilateral relations in such a way that the scope of issues involved in bilateral relations is very large and diverse and covers a range of political, cultural, economic, military, environmental, and social issues. Therefore, managing bilateral relations in such conditions is very difficult. In this study, an attempt has been made to examine the effective roots in the convergence and divergence of the two countries by applying the theory of layered analysis of causes and to present suggestions for improving bilateral relations. The approach of this research is descriptive-analytical, its method is qualitative and the method of collecting information is library.

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia sought to redefine its place in the international order and influence European politics. One of Moscow's strategies included strengthening and supporting the far-right movement in key Western European countries such as Germany, Italy, and France. This article uses a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach to examine why and how Russia cooperated with the far-right movement in Western Europe (Germany, France, and Italy) between 1991-2024. From a strategic perspective, Russia sees this cooperation as a tool to weaken the cohesion of the European Union, NATO, and Western liberal values. In return, European far-right parties and movements have benefited from Russia's financial, media, and diplomatic support. This study examines different dimensions of cooperation, focusing on three countries: Germany (centered on the Alternative for Germany party), France (Front national/ Rassemblement national), and Italy (Brothers of Italy and the Lega Nord). The findings show that these relations have not only affected the domestic politics of these countries to some extent, but have also become one of Russia's new geopolitical tools in soft war.

Abstract Nowruz is one of the ancient rituals that is celebrated every year with the beginning of the spring equinox in Iran and the countries affected by the Iranian civilization as well as Turkey. Nowruz is a cultural phenomenon and can be a key element for connecting the countries that organize it. As two neighboring countries, Iran and Turkey have always had social, economic and cultural relationships with each other. One of the most important common cultural elements between Iran and Turkey is the ancient Nowruz. The question of the present article is what are the similarities and differences between Nowruz in the two countries of Iran and Turkey and how is the role of Nowruz in the cultural diplomacy of the two countries evaluated and what are the common cultural lines between Iran and Turkey. It seems that according to the importance of soft power and cultural manifestations, Nowruz can help to deepen cultural relations between Iran and Turkey. The ceremony of welcoming Nowruz, house shaking, Haft Sin table, buying new clothes and seeing and visiting relatives are among the common features of Nowruz between the two countries. From the point of view of differences, Nowruz in different parts of Iran and Turkey has differences regarding how to hold the ceremony and the anthropological differences that have been mentioned. The research method is using library resources and collecting data from articles, books and examining them in a descriptive-analytical way.

Abstract China's growing need for global energy resources has made this country pay special attention to the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the world's largest energy producers. In this regard, the representation of a positive image of Beijing in the eyes of rulers and Arab societies is one of the requirements for the expansion of political, economic, and social relations. This issue can strengthen Beijing's influence and position in the Middle East. On the other hand, Arab politicians, to maintain their legitimacy and present a positive image of Arab countries as developing advanced, and prosperous nations, need to attract large investments from powerful countries such as China in the field of digital infrastructures and social media platforms. This research aims to answer the question of what effect China's digital diplomacy towards Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates has had on the development process of this country's relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE and whether this diplomacy has improved the relations between these two countries with China or not. The results of this study suggest that with the beginning of China's focus on the need to enter the Middle East to take advantage of investment opportunities and huge resources, and China's understanding of this to present a positive and peaceful image of itself by using digital diplomacy to expand its influence in this region, China's relations with the mentioned countries have expanded significantly. These relations have been progressing despite the stonewalling of the West and the United States. This is largely due to China's digital diplomacy. The present paper is a descriptive analysis using the documentary and library resources. .

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia has a strong role and influence. Factors such as Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, and this country's focus on its ability to disrupt equations in its favor, which subsequently causes changes in its national and foreign policies, open paths for new questions. Such as whether the war in Ukraine and its consequences have caused Russia's role to diminish, or we can even say Russia's hegemony (especially from a security point of view) in Central Asia? In this case, is China, another influential and powerful actor in the region, going to fill the vacuum of Russian influence? Or will the countries of the region take advantage of the opportunity this time and highlight other regional actors such as India, Turkey, Iran, or trans regional actors such as the European Union in their foreign policy? In order to answer these questions, this research has tried to investigate the variables of China and Russia's sources of power and influence in Central Asia, and their changes after the Ukraine war. After evaluating the prospects of challenges and the opportunities created by this war for the influence of China and Russia in this region will provide scenarios for the future situation in Central Asia and the influential actors in the region.

Abstract In the era of globalization, which has been accompanied by evident changes in international system, the importance of non-governmental players has been increasing and public diplomacy has turned into one of the most important types of diplomacy which has been the implications of the increasing importance of the role of public opinion in international affairs. Japan has been one of the countries which have been using public diplomacy as a means for creating a positive image for the country. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Central Asian countries, the expansion of Japan’s relations with mentioned countries has become more important due to the region’s strategic position and rich oil, gas, rare metal, and uranium resources. Through soft power and presenting a positive image of the country, Japan has become a successful model for the development of Central Asian countries and has penetrated into the heart and mind of the Central Asian people and politicians. In the present research, we have analyzed the elements of Japan’s public diplomacy in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research states: why Japan’s approach in Central Asia has been based on enhancing public diplomacy and maximum exploitation of soft power geocultural competition with China and Russia? Answering this question, we can say that while China has been focused on economic dimension and Russia has been focused on security dimension, Japan has tried to enter this strategic region by relying on its soft power attractions and has been seeking to become a cultural power. Japan influenced the public opinion of these countries through three key components of cultural diplomacy, scientific and educational diplomacy, and providing developmental helps. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical.

Abstract The Republic of Azerbaijan is an important country in the South Caucasus which due to enjoying a geopolitical position in the energy sector, especially after the Soviet collapse, has been a battlefield for rivalries among big regional and trans-regional powers. This rivalry has been current in the areas of soft and hard power. Iran and Turkey are among the countries which due to their civilizational and cultural history as well as regional rivalry are present on the political and economic stage of Azerbaijan. Soft power has been a source for rivalry between these two countries in Azerbaijan. Accordingly, this research seeks to answer the question on what elements and coordinates Iran and Turkey soft power rely? The research findings show that both countries emphasize the lingual and religious elements in relation to this republic, and at the same time, the governing difference between Iran and Turkey and their foreign policy orientations have been impacting Azerbaijan’s soft power. Based on the results of the research, Turkey taps into the religious, lingual, ethnic and secular governance elements to further its soft power in Azerbaijan, and Iran’s soft power elements in the Republic of Azerbaijan include cultural-religious elements and a mediating approach in Azerbaijan’s disputes , like in the Karabach crisis. The research method is descriptive-analytical method.                                                        

Abstract Culture and cultural elements are important variables of international relations and contemporary scholars have emphasized the role of cultural issues in politics. Cultural diplomacy is an outstanding example of the soft power to pave the way for influence in others through culture, values, and ideas. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s relations with the Russian Federation have seen considerable expansion in many areas in recent years. Although the scale of relations is more evident in some areas as politics, security, and even economy, the growing trend in the cultural, social and human areas can also be seen. In present article, while reviewing Iran’s cultural activities in Russia, Iranian cultural diplomacy approach is studied. The authors will try to answer the question which elements of soft power are more applied in Iran’s cultural relation with Russia. In doing so, by looking into the major activities carried out by the Iranian cultural counselors and other cultural foundations in Russia, their roles in expanding cultural relations of two countries are assessed. The research method of this paper is qualitative analysis of content within the theoretical framework of the theory of soft power and cultural diplomacy.

Abstract The “soft power” as an important concept was firstly entered to the political discourse of Vladimir Putin in February 2012; This concept, which is now of great concern for Kremlin, is derived from diverse and somehow contradictory resources with mostly governmental and formal natures. While focusing on Russia’s soft power towards its near abroad, using Nye’s conceptual framework, the present literature tries to study Kremlin’s goals of developing soft power and its soft power resources and instruments towards near abroad. Through studying Russia’s soft power resources in culture, economics and politics, the authors conclude that Russia’s political values are traceable in all the three mentioned areas. In fact, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following questions: what are the resources and instruments for Russia’s soft power that have empowered Russia regionally? And what are the constraints for Russian soft power in the region? The proposed hypothesis is that Russia's soft power in near abroad encompasses Russian language, culture, media, Orthodox Church, Russian compatriots as well as trade diplomacy. But instrumental look at soft power resources in this strategic region, as well as ineffectiveness, have weakened Russia's desirable convergence in near abroad. Using descriptive-analytical method, and based library and internet resources, the authors try to find an answer for the research question.

Abstract Central Asia is one of the regions with which China has traditionally and for a long period of time had close ties. One aspect of China’s ties and relations with Central Asian countries which has taken into consideration through the last decade is cultural relations and in particular, China’s attempts to develop its soft power instruments in the region; a trend which has reflected in various issues. “Soft Power” is a term which has raised and studied in the last two decades as a new concept and China is no exception in considering this type of power.
By focusing on this aspect of China’s relations with Central Asian countries, this article tries to analyze that what is the China’s goal in attempting to develop its soft power instruments in the region and how and by which means China exerts its soft power in the region? After analyzing data and evidences, this article argues that China has considered developing its soft power and strengthening its cultural relations with Central Asian countries as a predisposing factor to expand its multi-faceted influence in the region, ultimately aims at increasing its power in the international arena. 

Abstract This paper examines China’s goals and interests in the Central Asian region and its applying methods of power elements in pursuing them. The article firstly explores the theoretical discourses of power in the international relations literature especially realism and neo-realism and then explains the concept of soft power and its elements. In pursuing national interest of China in different regions of the world especially in Central Asia, the main method at the hands of Beijing statesmen is the application of soft power, the author maintains.

Abstract Sorrow resulting from the loss of Tsarist and Soviet greatness can be one of few sharing points among active spectra in the socio-political trends of the post Soviet Russia. The feeling noticeable in the ideal form of transforming Russia into a "great power" is based on a variety of material and spiritual elements of Russia's past, present and future and is a considerable factor for creating domestic cohesion in its society of unbridled identity. The thinking is also influenced by Russian elite and people belief of Westphalian nature of international system as an independent and distinct identity too. Efforts in 1990s to achieve this ideal failed due to the lack of necessary resources and ideological approaches, nevertheless, adopting a pragmatic one Putin and Medvedev were relatively successful in realizing some "hard" aspects of this purpose. However, a mere looking "from above", disregarding factors of soft power and the continuing echo of traditional approach to some areas, including near-abroad were main causes of not fully realization of this idea.