‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract One of the most central issues that has attracted the attention of all analysts of the international system from the perspective of strategic studies is how China plans and plays a role in the strategic regions of the international system to advance its international interests using the resources and considerations it has. The question is, what parameters will affect China's foreign policy strategy towards the countries of the Central Asian region? It seems that China, by taking advantage of the opportunities that have arisen in the Central Asian region and by increasing its influence and economic, security-political cooperation in line with the construction of a multipolar hegemonic system in the international system, has moved (inclined) towards regional and regional balancing. The above research is of an applied type and has been analyzed and compiled with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach and in a library manner. The purpose of this research is to identify China's capacities and capabilities in the Central Asian region. The findings of the present study show that, in the new millennium, China, taking advantage of its special international position (status and position), and in order to advance its goals and interests, should take advantage of the opportunities that have emerged and try to move in the Central Asian region by creating regional balance and adopting a new regionalism strategy. ,

Abstract According to the history of European diplomacy, Russia's security hinges on its strategic influence in Central and Eastern Europe. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia's strategy to regain its position and security in Central and Eastern Europe raised concerns among countries in the region. In this regard, the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by Russia posed serious challenges to the security of the region and Europe as a whole. Consequently, countries in the region turned to forming regionalism patterns characterized by an anti-Russian stance to balance against Russia's power and influence. The Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 further aligned and synchronized anti-Russian behaviors in multilateral regional frameworks. Considering these factors, the question arises: How has anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe threatened Russia's national interests? The research hypothesis posits that anti-Russian regionalism in Central and Eastern Europe has threatened Russia's national interests and security through the political, military, and economic convergence of the regional countries. The research findings indicate that developing strategic relations among Central and Eastern European countries through tripartite cooperation triangles, regional organizations, and multilateral initiatives aimed at balancing against Russia has created military-security, political, and economic threats to Moscow's national interests in the region. The research method is qualitative with an analytical-explanatory approach, using the realist theory of balance of power to explain the subject.

Abstract After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

Abstract Despite having the characteristics of being a region and the existence of many incentives to achieve intra-regional convergence, Central Asia has been always deprived of the advantages of regionalism. Central Asian states have preferred to join regional hierarchies and institutions led by major powers rather than trying to establish intra-regional institutions and achieve regionalism. This paper is mainly aimed at examining the external factors affecting the lack of regionalism in Central Asia and its relationship with the growth of dependent integration in this region (through the participation of Central Asian states in hierarchical regional arrangements and institutions led by major powers). This aim is to be achieved through addressing the question of "What is the basic precondition for the emergence of regionalism in Central Asia?" The initial answer is: "establishment of formal intra-regional institutions with the presence of all or most Central Asian countries in such a way as to increase their loyalty and commitment to the goals and interests of intra-regional institutions rather than to other regional and supra-regional governments and institutions is the main precondition for the emergence of regionalism in Central Asia." The paper is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and utilizes a case study methodology. The findings, while confirming the hypothesis, also conclude that the continuing dependence of Central Asian governments on the broader and hierarchical regional arrangements and institutions led by foreign powers can gradually deprive Central Asia of its regional identity and convert it into a sub-region.

Abstract Economy has been an inseparable part of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kazakhstan Republic’s relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Trade relations between the countries have had an impressive growth and a substantial number of legal documents have been signed in order to facilitate trade relations between two countries. However after 2000 rise and fallhas been witnessed in the bilateral trades due to political economy. Against this background both countries made some attempts to stabilize their relations through political and economic mechanisms.             The authors try to find an answer for the following question: Which model of political economy has been used by Iran and Kazakhstan to stabilize the economic relations since 2010 to 2020? They argue that Iran and Kazakhstan have usedmultilateral trends of political integration with the pivotal role of geo-economic objectives. Therefore the two countries have cooperated in different multilateral frameworks including economic unions, common legal platforms and international transit projects. One of the achievements has been paving the ground for Iran’s partnership in Eurasian Integration.

Abstract The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with serious questions. The most long lasting bilateral disagreement in SCO is the issue about Kashmir between India and Pakistan. A divergence of Beijing and Moscow’s perception about international system and their different expectations from SCO – besides some other factors) also has led to disintegration in Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The present article tries to find an answer for the following question: what are the main internal rivalries in SCO and how will they affect its consistency and future? The author addresses the hypothesis that “the rivalry between China and Russia for determining SCO’s approach and outlines as well as the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan are the SCO’s main challenges. The former through scattering SCO’s priorities and the latter one through weakening security and defensive relations among the members prevents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from its future integration and improvement”.

Abstract In this paper, the Regional building process of economic and political dimensions of Central Asia in light of various factors checked, some of the factors include: Mutual cooperation, Border disputes, Geographic, Hydro politics, Disputes relating to energy and the difference between the heads of states and non-identical influence each of them in a single region. In the economic sector article, on bilateral relations Including Cross-border trade and non-systematic subdivision of the property, is mentioned. Also in Content analysis of external actors pictures and Europe Union programs, America, Turkey, China and Russia have been analyzed and Concluded, Although  Regional building in Central Asia Provide adequate facilities for developing countries, But it seems that this process is not available in a short time.             The Hypothesis is That Why has so far not been successful regional Building in Central Asia? In response to the question paper, it is hypothesized that it seams inter-regional political, security, economic and cultural Factors and barriers ant also Trans-regional actors Interference, led to the failure of regionalism in Central Asian. Article descriptive - analytic method was carried out.