‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract طی سه دهه سپری‌شده از فروپاشی شوروی، امنیت و توسعه از اهداف یکایک کشورهای آسیای مرکزی بوده که تحقق آنها همواره تحت‌الشعاع شماری از محدودیت‌ها و تهدیدها بوده است. منشأ برخی از این تهدیدها افغانستان بوده، که عبارتند از تروریسم، افراطی‌گری مذهبی، و عرضه و قاچاق مواد مخدر. یکسان نبودن میزان این تهدیدها برای کشورهای منطقه منجر به تفاوت دیدگاه‌های این کشورها در قبال مسائل افغانستان شده است. سیاست خارجی ازبکستان در قبال افغانستان شامل دو مرحله می‌شود؛ مرحله اول (1991-2016)، مرحله حفظ فاصله و رویکرد محتاطانه نسبت به افغانستان و مرحله دوم (2016 - تاکنون)، که مرحله توسعه روابط سیاسی و اقتصادی است. این پژوهش به‌دنبال پاسخ به این پرسش است که سیاست خارجی ازبکستان در قبال افغانستان در دوره شوکت میرضیایف دنباله‌رو سیاست اسلام کریم‌اف (سیاست درهای بسته) است یا مشی دیگری دارد؟ در پاسخ، این فرضیه مطرح می‌شود که سیاست خارجی ازبکستان در دوره میرضیایف در قبال افغانستان سیاست درهای باز است و با وجود سقوط نظام جمهوریت و استقرار طالبان در رأس قدرت، در تکاپو برای افزایش ارتباطات و همکاری‌ها با امارت اسلامی افغانستان است. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که خط‌مشی تاشکند در خصوص روابطش با کابل در چارچوب راهبرد سیاست خارجی میرضیایف با روی کار آمدن وی دچار تغییراتی شد و سرنگونی حکومت اشرف غنی و حاکمیت یافتن طالبان نیز دگرگونی‌ قابل توجهی در این سیاست پدید نیاورد. با توجه به رویکرد بررسی مقایسه‌ای و تمرکز بر مرحلۀ توصیفی آن، روش مورد استفاده در این نوشتار کیفی و از نوع مقایسه‌ای است.

Abstract Following the arrest of women and children by the Syrian Democratic Forces who had joined the ISIS terrorist group, the return of these people to their countries of origin was deemed an important issue in the fight against terrorism. While most European countries refused to accept them, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan began to repatriate them. The current study seeks to address the question “How has the rehabilitation of ISIS women and children in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan affected these people`s identities?” The hypothesis has been studied utilizing the Actor-network theory. This hypothesis has been tested: it has made it feasible to reinvent the identity of these individuals by placing women and children back from ISIS in a network of new social links. According to the findings of the study, the rehabilitation of these people in a network of social relations, as well as the use of the capacities of rehabilitation centers, schools, family, and neighborhood as translation mediators, has caused these individuals to reflect on their identity, rethink their social identity, and, as a result, successfully integrate in the society. Research results show that the rehabilitation of these people in the network of social relationships and the use of the capacity of rehabilitation centers, schools, families and neighborhoods as translation intermediaries has made women ISIS female and child returnees reflect on their identities and identities. Thereby rethinking their social identity and in a process of successful integration. In these countries, homeland adaptation and recovery activities as well as basic measures have been implemented individually with special emphasis on spiritual, psychological, ideological and family support, with government support in cases such as restoration of civil status, periodic financial support, and fight against social exclusion and the psychological distress that accompanies training for new professions such as translation, accounting and tailoring.

Abstract In the era of globalization, which has been accompanied by evident changes in international system, the importance of non-governmental players has been increasing and public diplomacy has turned into one of the most important types of diplomacy which has been the implications of the increasing importance of the role of public opinion in international affairs. Japan has been one of the countries which have been using public diplomacy as a means for creating a positive image for the country. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Central Asian countries, the expansion of Japan’s relations with mentioned countries has become more important due to the region’s strategic position and rich oil, gas, rare metal, and uranium resources. Through soft power and presenting a positive image of the country, Japan has become a successful model for the development of Central Asian countries and has penetrated into the heart and mind of the Central Asian people and politicians. In the present research, we have analyzed the elements of Japan’s public diplomacy in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research states: why Japan’s approach in Central Asia has been based on enhancing public diplomacy and maximum exploitation of soft power geocultural competition with China and Russia? Answering this question, we can say that while China has been focused on economic dimension and Russia has been focused on security dimension, Japan has tried to enter this strategic region by relying on its soft power attractions and has been seeking to become a cultural power. Japan influenced the public opinion of these countries through three key components of cultural diplomacy, scientific and educational diplomacy, and providing developmental helps. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical.

Abstract  
Central Asia has been characterized by some regional disputes and tensions including the securitization of border and territorial disputes, water and environment issues, ethnic and linguistic identities, communication corridors and energy transmission lines for more than two decades. However, it has gradually entered a new era of detente and de-securitization since a decade ago that is the transformation of an issue from an urgent political situation into a normal one. This trend has intensified in the past decade with the new generation of regional leaders and the normalization of Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations. As a result of these developments, many issues such as water, environment, borders and crossings, communication corridors and energy transmission lines, have been gradually taken out of their past securitized situation and have entered into a normal one. The present literature addresses the question that what causes and contexts have led to the détente and de-securitization in Central Asia? In order to reply the mentioned question, the hypothesis can be put forward that "the advent of a new generation of Central Asian leaders as securitizing actors, the new discourse of new leaders and elites, the shared benefits of expanding energy transmission lines and communication and transit corridors as well as common water and environmental threats, have led to detente and de-securitization in Central Asia".  In order to evaluate the proposed hypothesis, the author attempts to provide a better understanding of the new developments taking place in Central Asia by applying the theoretical concepts and components of securitization and de-securitization as presented in Copenhagen security school.
 

Abstract The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, arouses the following questions: a) What are the causes for détente and de-securitization in Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations? b) What ramifications does the mentioned issue bring along?In order to answer the mentioned questions, the author argues that the change in Uzbekistan’s leadership and Mirziyoyev’s effort for domestic growth and development, developing and extending energy pipelines and corridors in the region, besides leaving Karimov’scult of personality have all led to transforming Uzbekistan’s foreign policy and strengthening regional cooperation with the participation of five Central Asian states.In order to assess the literature’s hypothesis, the author addresses Tajikistan and Uzbekistan’s relations in two specific eras of securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (since September 2016), based on descriptive-analytical method and applying theoretical concepts and factors of (de)securitization within the Copenhagen School of security.During the first decade that encompasses a long period of Karimov’s leadership in Uzbekistan (1991-2016), many social (ethnicity, language and culture) and economic (water resources and environment) issues between the both nations were deviated from their natural and normal direction and became politicized and securitized. However, during the letter era, Uzbekistan was experiencing an evolution that was derived of two main reasons; a) a change of elites and actors in Uzbekistan,particularly Karimov and Inoyatov; b) Mirziyoyev’s taking the power. The mentioned factors changed Uzbekistan’s dominant discourse towards Tajikistan. This discourse change led to a better cooperation among the five Central Asian states in diverse areas without an involvement of external powers especially the Russian Federation and China.
 

Abstract Priorities and foreign policy objectives are directly functions of their internal structures such as geopolitical context, domestic needs, power and national security threats, the attitude of the ruling elite and the situation of international system's structure. Tajikistan is no exception to this general rule. A variety of factors and variable are affecting foreign policy at three levels of individual, national, and international foreign policy influence. Hence, one of the defining features of the foreign policy of Tajikistan is domestic factors and characteristics, so that understanding the nature and behavior of Tajikistan's foreign policy requires understanding of internal factors affecting this country. This paper analyzes the factors affecting the domestic and foreign policy of Tajikistan. The goal is to answer the fundamental question: “How domestic factors affect Tajikistan's foreign policy?”