Keywords = Shanghai Cooperation Organization
Number of Articles: 6
Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Impact on the Politics and Economy

Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Impact on the Politics and Economy

Volume 30, Issue 125, Spring 2024, Pages 121-158

Rohollah Eslami, Alireza Ansary Kargar

Abstract After twenty years, the Taliban regained power for the second time in 2021. The Islamic Emirate must inevitably engage with regional organizations such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to sustain its governance. Central Asian countries, which are gathered under the umbrella of the SCO, have an influential role in the political developments of Afghanistan. The main question is what impact does the security interaction between the Taliban and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization have on the economy and politics of the Taliban government? The research hypothesis is that the security interaction between the Taliban and the (SCO), through the fight against ISIS as a regional consensus, leads to security, political, and economic convergence between the Taliban and the organization. The findings indicate that the anti-ISIS policy of the Taliban and their fight against drug trafficking provide a basis for security cooperation with the organization. Moreover, the political alignment with China and Russia, who are among the main actors of the organization, stands the Taliban in the anti-unilateralism camp against the United States. The present research has utilized the explanatory method and library-based data collection approach.

Iran and Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Geopolitics and Eurasian Identity

Iran and Shanghai Cooperation Organization: Geopolitics and Eurasian Identity

Volume 28, Issue 117, Spring 2022, Pages 71-98

Masoud Hamyani, Seyed mohammad kazem Sajjadpour

Abstract Following the emergence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an influential regional organization in the expanse of Eurasia in the early 21st century, Tehran has aptly recognized this mechanism for spread of multilaterism, creation of a Eurasian order, and the connection of the country’s economy with the nonwestern capital and technology markets. On the other side, it has been for long that the Shanghai leaders have come to this conclusion that introducing new governments, both as permanent members and supervising members and participation in the talks, broadens not only the borders of the organization, but also helps alleviate criticisms concerning the limited scope of activities of the organization and increase its effectiveness. As a result, the founding members agreed to Iran full membership process at the 21st session of the organization, after Iran’s 15 years of waiting. The present paper intends to answer the key question below: What does Tehran full member mean, among the current geopolitical changes in Eurasia? And what role can Tehran play in completing the organization in integrating Eurasia?  Based on the Constructivism Theory and Social Construct of regions, the findings of this research show, using the qualitative method and Inter-minded Horizon , that in a long term look , the Shanghai Organization  provides a significant mechanism for achieving some goals of foreign policy , especially for the “Look to East” policy of Tehran.  Full membership, also facilitates active participation of Tehran in shaping the security and economic status of the region. Tehran, in its turn , can play a major role in formulating and completing the Shanghai Organization, because Iran’s regional interests arise from the country’s goals in creating a Eurasian Society and preventing the region from becoming a hotbed of terrorism and extremism;  using the country’s geo-economic capacities for creating a bridge between Asia and Europe, as well as Iran’s position as a hub of trade and connecting roads in the region , is compliant with the Shanghai Organization’s goals. 

Rivalry and Divergence in Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(Through the lens of China – Russia and India - Pakistan disagreements)

Rivalry and Divergence in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Through the lens of China – Russia and India - Pakistan disagreements)

Volume 25, Issue 105, Spring 2019, Pages 101-132

Seyed Majid Qafelehbashi

Abstract The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with serious questions. The most long lasting bilateral disagreement in SCO is the issue about Kashmir between India and Pakistan. A divergence of Beijing and Moscow’s perception about international system and their different expectations from SCO – besides some other factors) also has led to disintegration in Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The present article tries to find an answer for the following question: what are the main internal rivalries in SCO and how will they affect its consistency and future? The author addresses the hypothesis that “the rivalry between China and Russia for determining SCO’s approach and outlines as well as the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan are the SCO’s main challenges. The former through scattering SCO’s priorities and the latter one through weakening security and defensive relations among the members prevents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from its future integration and improvement”.

Russia and China’s Counter measures against US in Eurasia

Russia and China’s Counter measures against US in Eurasia

Volume 24, Issue 102, Autumn 2018, Pages 1-33

Ali Adami, Hasan Ainehvand

Abstract Many of Scholars of International Relations believe that the twenty first century should be entitled as Eurasia Century, since maritime and land dominance over this region, could change the future of power equations in the structure of international system. Eminent geostrategic situation as well as abundant natural resources, is the driving force for transregional countries´ attempt to influence in the region. The United States is one of the countries that follows the expansion of its multilateral influence in Eurasia. In the frameworks of expansionism and interventionism concepts, the United States allows itself to interfere in a region thousands of miles away. From the prism of American strategists, through an anti’ hegemonic alliance against US, China as Russia, can prevent the implementation of American provision for the international order. During more than last two decades, China and Russia have used their potentialities in order to make a strategic alliance; to configure a balance – oriented order; and to prevent the intervening of transregional powers. Although both countries have a common theoretical vision towards the United States’ hegemony, the mentioned alliance has not still implemented.
 Against this background, the following question is aroused: Why a strategic alliance is not configured between China and Russia, considering their common strategic goals? What restrictions and considerations are the obstacles to the implementation of the mentioned alliance? In order to answer the questions mentioned above, the hypothesis is that Russia and China’s different historical looks towards Eurasia, as well as the nature of their bilateral relation with the United States and their different relation backgrounds, lead to different priorities of national interests are among the main reasons of non-implementation of an anti – hegemonic alliance against the Unites States.

Comparative analysis of NATO and SCO Behaviors
in Central Asia from 2001 to 2012

Comparative analysis of NATO and SCO Behaviors in Central Asia from 2001 to 2012

Volume 21, Issue 90, Autumn 2016, Pages 119-151

Hadi Soleimanpour, Masoud Akhshi

Abstract   The strategic importance of Central Asian region emerged within the framework or global security challenges following 9/11. NATO engagement in Afghanistan and the US strategic shifts from “energy security" to "fighting against terrorism" in the region, together with its new approaches in various political, military and operational fields within the context of comprehensive theory of "cooperative security" encountered with the formation of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)and the formation of new regional security arrangement within the context of neo-regionalism theory. These developments indicate the importance of the Central Asia Region in the world politics and amongst major players of these two organizations namely US, Russia and China over the past decade. This article tries to answer the main question by using a comparative-descriptive method: How could security policies of NATO and SCO in Central Asian Region be studied and theoretically compared? The authors believe that, over the past decade, member states of the two organizations have shared tactical interest such as the stability of Afghanistan, the fight against drug trafficking, organized crimes and terrorism, all realized in terms of partnership mechanisms for NATO peace and NATO-Russia council. Therefore, despite the existence of mechanisms of cooperation to achieve tactical shared interests, two organizations disagreed on strategic subject matters such as the long term goals of the US in the region, the expansion of NATO to the East and the controlling and managing energy security in Central Asia. In the meantime, there are some elements such as NATO’s bilateral relationship with some Central Asian countries being affected by China and Russia policies, contradicting goals of major players, and lack of comprehensive institutional mechanism of consultation and cooperation in the two organizations have deepened the differences among them.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Common
 Security Threats in Central Asia

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Common Security Threats in Central Asia

Volume 19, Issue 81, Spring 2013, Pages 1-28

Abstract The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which is currently recognized as the most significant grouping in Central Eurasia has been under a great deal of scrutiny since its very inception. However, there have been lots of discussions about the organization’s true nature and main working sphere. With regard to the fact that the security concerns have been the most important pretext for forming the SCO and the security factor has always been of a greater importance on the organization’s agenda, this article tries to analyze the extent of which    the SCO has been able to resolve the security concerns of the member states successfully. While introducing the most important security threats in Central Asia, this article shows that the SCO has been able to resolve the security threats of the member states at three levels (international, regional and domestic) and thus, has organized the first real framework for the effective multilateral security cooperation in the region. However, a set of factors, such as historical rivalries and mistrust and the westward policies among some of the member states has prevented the organization to reach the optimum level of its activities.