‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract A healthy environment is one of the fundamental pillars of sustainable development, but rapid population growth, industrialization, and excessive exploitation of natural resources, especially water resources, have jeopardized the fragile ecological balance in many regions of the world. As an arid and semi-arid region, Central Asia faced serious environmental problems during its economic reconstruction after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including the drying up of the Aral Sea, increasing industrial pollution, and political tensions resulting from the uncoordinated management of shared water resources. This research aims to examine the environmental situation and sustainable development challenges in Central Asian countries since independence. It attempts to analyze the trend of environmental crises and reveal the necessity of regional cooperation and joint resource management. The central question of the research is how the environmental situation of Central Asia can be explained, given the scarcity of water and the shared exploitation of water resources. The research hypothesis is that the uncoordinated use of natural resources, especially the water resources of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins, has been one of the main factors in the emergence of environmental crises and a fundamental obstacle to achieving sustainable development. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is structured within the framework of Thomas Springs' four-stage methodology. The findings show that water resource scarcity, industrial pollution, soil erosion, and climate change threaten the environmental sustainability of region, and only through international cooperation and joint institution-building can the path to sustainable development in Central Asia be strengthened.

Abstract مقارن بافروپاشی اتحادجماهیرشوروی وظهورحاکمیت های‌مستقل درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی، فضای تعامل وهمکاری نیز دراین منطقه به شکل بی سابقه ای استحاله یافت. درچنین متنی کشورترکیه توانست خود را به عنوان یکی ازبازیگران ذی نفع منطقه مطرح نمایدو پس از گذشت بیش ازسه دهه حضور مصرانه دستاوردهای مطلوبی را بدست آورد. لذاعطف‌به اقتضائات-پژوهشی وجستارگشایی برای حصول داده های پسینی ازسیاست منطقه ای ترکیه در آسیای مرکزی هدف از تنظیم نوشتارحاضربررسی این‌مبحث باتمتع ازنظریه سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل است. این تحقیق با استفاده ازروش توصیفی-تحلیلی وبابهره‌گیری ازمنابع کتابخانه ای به انجام رسیده است وبدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل چه-جایگاهی درپیشبردسیاست منطقه ای وموقعیت مطلوب ترکیه درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی داشته‌است؟ درجواب به پرسش‌حاضر فرضیه این است که ترکیه با به کارگیری مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی بین‌الملل:(سرمایه اجتماعی شناختی، سرمایه اجتماعی-رابطه ای وشبکه ای)توانسته ازاین مجرا به گسترش نفوذ ومناسبات خودبااین منطقه بپردازد، یافته ها ونتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که ترکیه ضمن تاکیدبرقرابت های هنجاری وساخت اعتماد، ارتباطات شبکه ای گسترده ای درپیش گرفته وبعنوان بازیگرشبکه پردازمطرح منطقه نیزشناخته می‌شود.

Abstract In recent years, the position of the Russian language in the political, economic, and cultural spheres of Central Asia and the South Caucasus has faced emerging challenges. This study aims to analyze the role of Russian as an instrument of regional influence, focusing on post-Soviet language policies of selected states. Using a documentary analysis method and drawing on academic literature, institutional reports, and official data, the research explores the relationship between language, power, and regional organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The findings indicate that while some states (e.g., Georgia and Turkmenistan) have pursued policies of linguistic disengagement, others (e.g., Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia) maintain Russian as a second official language. The novelty of this research lies in its integrative approach to analyzing the new linguistic competition with Turkish, Chinese, and English, while assessing Russian’s role in regional convergence through the lens of soft power.

Abstract Following the October Revolution of 1917, the process of identity formation in the Soviet Union was profoundly shaped by Bolshevik socialist ideology. A central aspect of this ideology was the redefinition of the “woman question” and the deliberate construction of the so-called “New Soviet Woman,” envisioned as an individual capable of actively participating in family, political, and economic spheres. In this regard, institutions such as the Zhenotdel, operating under the banner of gender equality, endeavored to incorporate women as an essential and influential component of both the Party and state apparatus, providing them with educational, social, political, and professional opportunities. The Bolshevik project, through the creation of the myth of the “New Socialist Woman,” produced a novel gender identity that stood in explicit contrast to contemporary European models.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, however, precipitated profound structural and ideological transformations in Kazakhstan. The engagement of international organizations and NGOs, while ostensibly aimed at promoting gender equality, often served to consolidate market-oriented economic policies and reinforce Kazakh nationalist agendas, rather than substantially improving women’s social conditions. Consequently, many of the achievements attained by women during the Soviet period were eroded, and their social standing gradually declined. Although Soviet nation-building had played a critical role in the creation of a new female identity, post-Soviet nationalism and neoliberal reforms significantly hindered the persistence of these gains and exposed women to new socio-political challenges.

Abstract The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project, as one of the geoeconomic initiatives in Central and South Asia, has the potential to influence regional geopolitical equations. Afghanistan's transit position in this project makes the country a key point in connecting Central Asian gas resources to the high-consumption markets of South Asia. By posing the main question, "What geopolitical opportunities and challenges does the dynamism of the TAPI project create for Afghanistan?", the present study seeks to examine the geopolitical capacities and obstacles facing this country in the process of realizing the TAPI project. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that although the TAPI project can bring important benefits such as benefiting from transit income, attracting foreign investment, creating employment, strengthening economic ties with neighboring countries, and enhancing Afghanistan's geopolynomics; But on the other hand, challenges such as insecurity along the project route, lack of adequate technical and institutional infrastructure, the Taliban's ambiguous and inefficient political structure, competition between regional and trans-regional actors, and doubts about Turkmenistan's gas capacity have posed serious obstacles to the full realization of these opportunities. This research was conducted using a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach, using reliable library, documentary, and digital resources.

Abstract The present study aims to design and validate a model of cultural development pathologies in Central Asia. In order to process the problem, a qualitative research strategy and thematic analysis were used.The research data were collected using semi-standard interviews with18experts in the field of regional studies(Central Asia) who were selected usin the theoretical sampling method, and a network of analyzed themes and a network measurement conceptual model were constructed usingthe thematic analysis method. The article raises the question of what are the most important pathologies or challenges that contribute to the failure of realization of cultural development in Central Asia ?In response to the findings of the qualitative research, the model of cultural development pathologies in Central Asia includes four overarching themes: 1lack of civil society and independent media, including the theme (weak media and censorship; issues and administrative problems related to the government and the weakness of culture building in relation to civil society); 2The weakness of democratic culture, consisting of two themes(supporter follower culture and weakness of public culture); 3The low level of education indicators, consisting of two themes(structural and managerial weaknesses in educational institutions and parallel work and legal and executive multi functionality);and 4Regional and trans regional challenges, consistingof two themes(competition of regional and trans regional powers and the effects of globalization on regional culture).

Abstract One of the most central issues that has attracted the attention of all analysts of the international system from the perspective of strategic studies is how China plans and plays a role in the strategic regions of the international system to advance its international interests using the resources and considerations it has. The question is, what parameters will affect China's foreign policy strategy towards the countries of the Central Asian region? It seems that China, by taking advantage of the opportunities that have arisen in the Central Asian region and by increasing its influence and economic, security-political cooperation in line with the construction of a multipolar hegemonic system in the international system, has moved (inclined) towards regional and regional balancing. The above research is of an applied type and has been analyzed and compiled with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach and in a library manner. The purpose of this research is to identify China's capacities and capabilities in the Central Asian region. The findings of the present study show that, in the new millennium, China, taking advantage of its special international position (status and position), and in order to advance its goals and interests, should take advantage of the opportunities that have emerged and try to move in the Central Asian region by creating regional balance and adopting a new regionalism strategy. ,

Abstract This study examines the impact of the C5+1 Initiative on Central Asia's security structure from its establishment in 2015 to 2024. The main objective is to analyze how this initiative has influenced patterns of security cooperation and competition in the region. The theoretical framework combines Regional Security Complex Theory, the concept of securitization, and reference group theory, enabling a comprehensive examination of the region's security dynamics. The research methodology is based on qualitative content analysis of official documents and reports, as well as review of secondary sources including academic articles and analytical reports. Findings indicate that while the C5+1 Initiative has brought about changes in the region's security structure and increased strategic options for Central Asian countries, it has also created challenges in maintaining these countries' independence of action. Although effective, this initiative has not played a decisive role in shaping the region's security future. The increasing competition among great powers in the region has formed complex security dynamics that require intelligent management by regional countries. Results suggest that the future security structure of Central Asia will be shaped by a complex interaction between cooperation and competition, with the C5+1 Initiative potentially serving as a catalyst for this interaction. The long-term success of political and security initiatives in Central Asia depends on addressing the region's real needs, balancing the interests of great powers with the independence of regional countries, strengthening intra-regional cooperation, and developing domestic capacities.

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of new independent states, one of the areas that has gradually been at the heart of Zionist Regim's attention is the set of countries in the Central Asian region; because, for Zionist Regim, these countries have special capacities and attractions to its political and security goals and objectives. As a result, Zionist Regim has prioritized its foreign relations, the optimization and development of relations with Central Asian countries, because Zionist Regim's dependence on energy is still ongoing, and these areas can meet the needs of Zionist Regim's fossil fuels and will largely overcome it. On the other hand, in recent years, the developments in the Middle East region, such as the Arab Spring, the importance of political Islam, the spread of jihadi armed movements, and the emergence of Iran as a nuclear power, have led Zionist Regim to increasingly feel threatened and to expand relations with Central Asian Countries to fulfill its goals, including countering the security environment of Iran. Given this important point, this article seeks to find an answer to the question of what goals Zionist Regim is seeking to expand its presence and influence in Central Asia. In line with the search for a logical answer to the question, this hypothesis has been analyzed, "the expansion of the presence and influence of the Zionist Regime in Central Asia, is in the direction of unity and convergence with the countries of this region, to break the siege of the opposing states of Zionist Regim put into creating divergence and putting pressure on Iran's peripheral environment and its national security. The methodological bases in this article are the theories of coalition and divergence, and the research method is also qualitative of causal type.

Abstract Today, China has become the largest foreign player in its sensitive periphery, Central Asia. Beijing leaders, especially since the beginning of the new century, have tried to gradually increase their presence and influence in this region compared to other competitors such as Russia and the United States by announcing numerous economic, security, and political initiatives and programs. This increase in presence has been done in a gradual and multi-faceted manner according to the usual Chinese tradition, and therefore a direct link can be established between the foreign aid program of this country to the region and the development of its presence and influence. In this regard, the main question of the article, using the descriptive and explanatory method, is how China has benefited from foreign aid in the years 2000 to 2022 to advance its national interests in Central Asia. In response to this hypothesis, it is proposed that the Chinese government uses its foreign aid program in this region to advance economic goals (linking the economies of the countries in the region with their economic and commercial needs), security goals (shaping their desired security order and fighting Uighurs separatism) and political goals (expanding its influence and position in the countries of the region). The findings of the article emphasize the explanatory role of foreign aid in explaining China's policies and goals in the peripheral area of Central Asia, which has received little attention from experts.

Abstract Central Asia is considered an influential strategic bull's eyes from Russia's point of view, so the mutability in this adjoining country of the region is aforethought Russia's insecurity. Russia seriously fought to reduce instability in Central Asia to ensure stable security in countries bordering Afghanistan by creating a collective security alliance or coalition entente. From 2001 to 2020, we were on the verge of the collapse of the central government of Afghanistan; Russia initiated various security policies for the region according to Afghanistan's security conditions.  interacting with America for fighting against terrorism; this country was the protagonist for overthrowing the Taliban government in 2001, but then to cooperating with the Taliban for the withdrawal of American forces from Afghanistan in 2021; Russia made it as a part of its security strategy. Russia’s strategy explained a realist theoretical framework that derived from Mersheimer's bellicose realistic pragmatism. The main query of this research is: "What was the Strategic impact of Russia in Central Asia on the Security condition of Afghanistan during 2001-2020?"  "Russia's strategy in Central Asia after the overthrowing of Taliban aimed for boosting and strengthening security in Central Asia, as considering as prevailing conditions in Afghanistan." Russia's concern about the smuggling of narcotics and the influx of extremists from Afghanistan to Central Asia persuaded this government to fight against terrorist groups. Russia tried in its strategy to prioritize the security of the borders of Central Asia, which is adjacent to this country. This research explained the descriptive-analytical method and library resources.

Abstract The security order in Central Asia has undergone a stable process in the transition to new conditions during the last decade. Two catalysts after 2021 have accelerated this process. First, the withdrawal of International forces from Afghanistan, which led to the fall of the government in this country and the rise to power and stabilization of the presence of the Taliban; And second, Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, which increased the tension between the great powers at the international level and created a situation that is interpreted as a new cold war in Russia's peripheral area. These conditions led to forming the security order governing Central Asia in new conditions. In such a situation, this paper seeks to answer this key question: how will the new security order of Central Asia after 2021 affect the security interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The hypothesis that is raised in response to this question is based on the proposition that these conditions, by intensifying the security situation of the great power, have caused a decrease in the security factor in Iran's peripheral environment. Strengthening the flow of multilateralism and strengthening expansive approaches in the new security order, implies opportunities. In this paper, I try to prove the hypothesis through the exploration method to discover systematic patterns in Central Asia's security dynamics. The Copenhagen school is considered as the conceptual framework of this research in the comparative approach.

Abstract Central Asia is considerably important in China’s foreign policy because of its geographical proximity. Ensuring regional security, combating terrorism, and procuring part of energy needs would not be possible without cooperating with Central Asian countries.  By incrementing trade, investing in infrastructure projects, and providing development assistance, China pursues its foreign policy objectives in the region and encourages its neighbors to keep their distance from the United States and other Western countries.  Chinese aid to Central Asia has succeeded those of other donor countries; however, the context and purposes have been rather different. China considers itself a developing country and claims to know the developmental needs and requirements of such countries, avoiding in this way interfering in their internal affairs with the pretext of offering them aid. This research aims to respond to the question “What objectives does China pursue by offering development assistance to developing countries and what would be the implications it might have in Central Asian countries?” The response unveils the changes that China, by appealing to their aid, may have attempted to induce in Central Asia from 2000 to 2020. The findings of the investigation indicate that The PRC, striving to lock the core processes of production within its borders, has merely focused on devoting status-quo aids to the developing countries in the two sectors of infrastructure and energy, contrary to other donors’ aid-seeking to essentially alter the recipient's status-quo institutions. In theory, China, strategically complying with the two principles of respect for the recipient's sovereignty and mutual economic benefits, is not interested in disturbing the status quo. But in practice, the approach is rather different.

Abstract One of the consequences of global climate change is the water shortage crisis and the resulting disputes among the beneficiary governments. The criticality of the world's climatic situation has led to the emergence of disputes between governments in connection with the division of common waters.  In this article, by utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data and information by document-library method, we are going to respond to the following question: "Which are the factors influencing the formation and escalation of disputes caused by the division of water in border-rivers between the Islamic Republic of Iran and its neighbors”? The hypothesis presented in response to the question raised above is based on the premise that in addition to the obvious role of the “water scarcity” phenomenon in the occurrence of the disputes above, it is necessary that four other variables; the politics of transboundary powers, management of water resources, ideological gap and instability of states, also be investigated and analyzed by the political elites. The variables mentioned above are divided into two groups: internal (Instability of States and Water Resources Management) and external (Cross-Border Powers’ politics and Ideological Gap). It is necessary to remember that the explanation of the mentioned four variables does not necessarily mean the absence of other factors in the discussed framework. It is possible that in the context of future research in this field, some other new variables will be identified.

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia has a strong role and influence. Factors such as Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, and this country's focus on its ability to disrupt equations in its favor, which subsequently causes changes in its national and foreign policies, open paths for new questions. Such as whether the war in Ukraine and its consequences have caused Russia's role to diminish, or we can even say Russia's hegemony (especially from a security point of view) in Central Asia? In this case, is China, another influential and powerful actor in the region, going to fill the vacuum of Russian influence? Or will the countries of the region take advantage of the opportunity this time and highlight other regional actors such as India, Turkey, Iran, or trans regional actors such as the European Union in their foreign policy? In order to answer these questions, this research has tried to investigate the variables of China and Russia's sources of power and influence in Central Asia, and their changes after the Ukraine war. After evaluating the prospects of challenges and the opportunities created by this war for the influence of China and Russia in this region will provide scenarios for the future situation in Central Asia and the influential actors in the region.

Abstract The Agreement on the Establishment of Formal Diplomatic Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kyrgyz Republic was signed in 1992 as one of the five countries in the Central Asian region. The assessment of the relations between Iran and Kyrgyzstan during these thirty years, despite the opportunity to strengthen convergence in various dimensions, shows a kind of stagnation and stability. This study examines the achievements and failures of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Kyrgyzstan and answers the question of how the causes of stagnation and stability of Iran-Kyrgyzstan relations after thirty years can be assessed. In response, it is hypothesized that the relations between Iran and Kyrgyzstan, despite many similarities, especially in the cultural and political fields; Always with a kind of stability, stagnation and lack of dynamism in various dimensions for reasons such as lack of priority and differences of ideas and lack of a coherent strategy to strengthen relations at the bilateral level, Kyrgyzstan's cautious foreign policy towards interaction with Iran and the presence of rival regional and international powers. Has been faced. However, in order to achieve the development of relations between the two countries in various dimensions, the expansion of cooperation in the economic dimension, along with cultural and political priorities in relations with Kyrgyzstan in competition with other actors, can be put on a serious agenda. The article is descriptive-analytical and inferential methodology has been used to achieve the objectives of the research.

Abstract Trasica Corridor is one of the most important corridors connecting East Asia to Europe. This article seeks to investigate the effect of Iran's geo-economic position on the use of the Thracian rail corridor for the convergence of Iran with four Central Asian countries. In this study, the convergence of Iran with these four Central Asian countries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan for the years 2015 to 2020 has been investigated. The results of Grobel and Lloyd index of Iran's trade with Kazakhstan (0.565) showed that Iran has the most intra-industry trade with Kazakhstan. After that was the country of Uzbekistan, whose index of industrial trade with Iran was obtained (0.343). The results of Grobel and Lloyd's index for the two countries of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (0.067 and 0.062) indicate that these two mentioned countries had the least intra-industry trade with Iran. The above findings clearly show that Iran's economy can make good use of the Trasica Corridor rail route for the transfer of goods and economic integration with Central Asian countries. In order to encourage businessmen to make more use of the Trasica rail corridor in order for Iran's economy to reach the markets of Central Asia, it is suggested that bilateral agreements be concluded with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to reduce bilateral tariffs for businessmen of both sides, and a joint commission on Monitor the implementation of these obligations.

Abstract In the era of globalization, which has been accompanied by evident changes in international system, the importance of non-governmental players has been increasing and public diplomacy has turned into one of the most important types of diplomacy which has been the implications of the increasing importance of the role of public opinion in international affairs. Japan has been one of the countries which have been using public diplomacy as a means for creating a positive image for the country. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Central Asian countries, the expansion of Japan’s relations with mentioned countries has become more important due to the region’s strategic position and rich oil, gas, rare metal, and uranium resources. Through soft power and presenting a positive image of the country, Japan has become a successful model for the development of Central Asian countries and has penetrated into the heart and mind of the Central Asian people and politicians. In the present research, we have analyzed the elements of Japan’s public diplomacy in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research states: why Japan’s approach in Central Asia has been based on enhancing public diplomacy and maximum exploitation of soft power geocultural competition with China and Russia? Answering this question, we can say that while China has been focused on economic dimension and Russia has been focused on security dimension, Japan has tried to enter this strategic region by relying on its soft power attractions and has been seeking to become a cultural power. Japan influenced the public opinion of these countries through three key components of cultural diplomacy, scientific and educational diplomacy, and providing developmental helps. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical.

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and instability. The main question of the present research states: which factor leads us to political and sovereign stability? And what has been the extent of the Soviet Union’s role and influence in this stability? The hypothesis and answer to this question is based on this foundation that the continuity of the former party leaders’ governance, traditions of political patriarchy, and the effective heritage of the Soviet Union in establishing political, civil, and social institutions in these countries have been the most important factors of this stability. Each of the leaders of these republics has tried to establish the foundations of legitimacy and acceptability on the basis of traditions and continue their authoritarian ruling on this basis. The heritage of Lenin and Stalin’s nation-building and Soviet Union’s developmental policies, as well as forty years of governing experience by indigenous people in these countries and its combination with traditional authoritarianism has led to political and social stability in Central Asian Republics after independence. The main purpose of the present research is to understand the political complexities in Central Asia and find the historical roots of contemporary trends and the effect of nation-building process in these countries and a delicate comparison with their neighbor, Afghanistan, which is faced with instability due to the absence of nation-building and the non-effective heritage of Britain. In this research, in addition to benefitting from personal and field experiences, library resources has been used on the basis of content analysis of historical events and sociological perspective.

Abstract In recent two decades, Turkey has consolidated its presence in Central Asian countries and played an active role in political and cultural spheres in this region. Through cultural and ethnic ties and also reconstructing their economies structurally, Turkey has been able to extend its influence in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research addresses the purposes and implications of Turkey’s presence in Central Asia and for answering the main question, this hypothesis has been tested that Turkey is trying to create the organization of Turkish speaking countries in order to promote its political, security, and cultural influence and avoid lagging behind Iran and Russia. Data gathering method has been document-based, research strategy has been deductive, and research methodology has been based on process detection inspired by economic diplomacy literature within the realist theory. The findings of the research indicate that the main purposes of Turkey for promoting economic diplomacy in Central Asia are as follows: rivalry with Iran and Russia, establishing the council of Turkish-speaking countries, changing its geopolitical position, diversification of its energy resources, military cooperation, security issues, and etc.

Abstract Abstract
The causes of wars and conflicts at different levels in international relations can be investigated and interrogated from the perspective of threat perception. Threat perception is an intervening factor that effects the decision of countries to enter into war, deterrence, coercion, alliance and any other options. The relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important powers of the Middle East and Southwest Asia, which have undergone a serious metamorphosis especially after the Islamic Revolution and changed from cooperative -oriented to competitive approach, can also be analyzed from this point of view. The question of the present research is how the threat perception has influenced the foreign policy’s direction of Iran and Saudi Arabia (especially in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia) towards each other? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and its data collection method is based on documentary research. This study deals with one of the most recent crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, i.e. the tensions created after the execution of Sheikh Nimr by the Saudi family and the cessation of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 2016. By focusing on this crisis, which is different from the previous crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, this research aims to examine the relevance of threat perception in their foreign relations during this period of time. By applying the theoretical framework of threat perception and Cohen's desired indicators of threat perception, i.e. the statements of decision makers and leaders and their reaction to threats, as well as their confrontational behavior against threat perception, the research findings show that this factor plays a prominent and undeniable role in shaping the foreign policy of the two countries as well as the controversies of their leaders in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia.

Abstract

Abstract The present paper intends to explore Turkey’s economic plans in Central Asia from the perspective of the opportunities and threats posed to Iran; therefore, using thematic analysis of the thematic matrix by use of indirect observation (text analysis), the research data is collected using targeted sampling from the existing texts and through subject encoding . The themes of opportunities and threats to Iran of Turkey’s economic plans in Central Asia were identified, and finally compared, contrasted and analysed according to the common and differentiating aspects. The findings of the research show that the economic plans of the “Turkic Council in Central Asia” have brought for Iran these opportunities: A: Having cultural-historical convergence and joint security strategies in Central Asia. B: Inconsistency of the cultural model of culture and development of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia; in addition, the economic-energy plan of “Turkic Council-New Silk Road” in Central Asia has brought these opportunities and threats for Iran respectively: creating a balance in the region, with Iran playing a role, rise of Turkey’s economic power and weakening of Iran’s geopolitical and economic-transit position.

Abstract Energy security is a cornerstone of foreign policy of the great powers. Energy resources of the Caspian Sea and Central Asia as two critical geopolitical areas are of great importance for regional and trans-regional states. Due to the huge opportunities these two regions present out of the OPEC context, they have appeared as a large chess board. Aimed at energy security and providing diversity of resources, the Caspian region is a great competition scene for players like the US, China, the EU, Russia, Iran, and India. There exists a great game of oil policies and pipeline diplomacies in this region. The present article aims to provide answer for the question what are the challenges and opportunities of the great powers plans in the Central Asia and Caspian for Iran and what are the policy options of Iran to tackle the Challenges? Iran’s policy options in this rivalry is to make efforts to get rid of the sanctions, adopt an economic diplomacy, strengthen domestic infrastructures in order to implement economic activities in the region, contribute to economic plans of great powers in the region and economic investment and partnership with the regional countries in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

Abstract a      The link between water, energy and food has become a common concept in environmental change research and policy discussions, which, by identifying the optimal policy combinations and governance arrangements in the water, energy and food sectors, promotes coherence in practiced policies. On the other hand, border disputes over water resources, along with the inequitable distribution of water resources in the Central Asian region, have led to the emergence of serious disputes in the relations between the countries of this region. In fact, geography can be considered the most important factor in creating disputes in the field of water. According to this, The question of the article is how to analyze the hydropolitics of extraterritorial waters in the Central Asian region from the perspective of Nexus approach? The paper hypothesizes that the water-food-energy Nexus Approach, as a holistic approach in the Central Asian region, is a new and effective approach to the depoliticization of the extraterritorial waters issue. This approach, instead of focusing on each sector (water, food or energy) separately and on each country of the region, can holistically address the governance of the interactions between sectors and policies in all countries of the Aral Sea Basin and prevent partiality and the challenges arising from the reductionism attitude in this region. The research method is explanatory-analytical and data and information have been collected in the form of library documents using resources and articles available in cyberspace and scientific reports.