‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Russian Federation has been among the most significant actors in Central Asia during the past two and a half decades – what some have termed as a “New Great Game” in the area. In the fast evolving post-Cold War environment, Moscow has been very active in both bilateral and multilateral (CIS, CSTO, SCO, and EEU) arenas. The crux of the Russian activism has been geared to preserve the status quo to the extent possible, keep the newly independent republics under Moscow's foreign and defense policies, revive and strengthen the previous hegemonic status, and finally, confront the objectives and strategies of rival powers in Central Asia, most notably North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), European Union (EU) and the United States. The Russian foreign policy, while pursuing these overarching objectives, has been impacted – to varying degrees – by developments in the post-Soviet transitional society at home as well as by regional and international developments.  The present article looks into the dynamism – and transformation - of the Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia through the analysis of major discourses in the Russian external strategy since 1991. 

Abstract Due to its cultural and civilizational relations and geopolitical importance in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Central Asia has always been under attention of Iran’s economic diplomacy goals, since the collapse of the Soviet Union.  During the 25 year independency of Central Asian countries, the dominant dimension of Iran’s foreign policy behavior toward this region has been influenced by geopolitical discourse and therefore has been pragmatist and interest oriented. The eleventh administration of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in the framework of moderation discourse and its economic oriented foreign policy, has paid especial attention to expanding its economic relations with Central Asian Republics. The present article attempts to find out the achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic diplomacy in Central Asia and also the reason of prioritization of economic diplomacy in the eleventh administration. The following hypothesis guides this study: Although during last two decades, pragmatist politics, derived from Iran’s geopolitical discourse in Central Asia, has lead to the expansion of economic relations in the region, the cooperative and development oriented nature of the moderation discourse as well as the necessities of Iran’s twenty – year vision plan and its resilient economy has prioritized the economic diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy towards Central Asia. While scrutinizing Iran’s economic diplomacy in Central Asia, the authors attempt to assess the significance of economic diplomacy in the eleventh administration. Using explanatory – analyzing research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Abstract Russia’s position in international equations is one of the influential elements in global issues. Kremlin’s foreign policy approach towards it’s near abroad and their method of reply is not only determining the security, economic and political environment in the region, but is also effective on international relations and the balance of power. Kremlin considers the international order as multipolar and therefore attempts to make Russia one of the poles in international system, so that Russia could make a strategic balance against the United States. The authors attempt to find an answer to the question that which preference in Russia’s foreign policy is upon its geopolitical connection to Central Asia? The following hypothesis guides this study: Energy oriented geopolitical connection is no longer causing a special asset in Russia’s foreign policy, due to strengthening Russia and China’s competition, uneven policies of Central Asian countries and the prioritizing of bilateral approach instead of regionalism. Therefore Russia is gradually missing its economic and energy position, although still maintaining its security and political situation in the region. Using explanatory – analyzing research method and the rational choice theory by Green and Shapiro, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Abstract Central Asia constitutes an area of interest for ISIL in order to create a Transnational Advocacy Network of terrorist cells with the aim to undertake terrorist actions in the battleground of Syria and Iraq. ISIL seeks to utilize cyberspace and new communication tools such as social networks in particular Khalifabook - a self-made website - to recruit and train people of the region and create a network of terrorist cells.
This paper aims to evaluate the performance of ISIL in cyberspace and asses the employment of a network of terrorist cells in Central Asia. In this regard, the following question arises: how has ISIS attempted to create networks of terrorist cells in Central Asia? The authors believe that through propagating its messages in virtual space, ISIL seeks to recruit and train militias and establish a network of terrorist cells in Central Asia.
After explaining ISIS’ new communication tools in the context of cyberspace, its goals and objectives in the virtual environment with the aim to recruit and train new forces as well as to create terrorist cells in Central Asia, this paper presents possible strategies in order to confront ISIL in this region.
 

Abstract Using educational capabilities, especially in the higher educational domain to develop mutual understanding and make appositive image of a country is called educational diplomacy which is considered under cultural diplomacy. Nowadays, many countries employing university communication channel try to increase their soft power. Educational exchange and establishing university branches in different parts of the world, in particular, those which have common cultural domains, enable countries to increase their impacts through interacting with elites and university educated people. Academics as the most effective part in building the future of a country have a significant influence on cultural understanding and harmony between nations. In this regard, one of the important areas having a common cultural identity with the Islamic Republic of Iran is Central Asia region. This paper seeks to answer the question of how Iran could exploit its academic capabilities in Central Asia. The authors of the present paper believe that the Islamic Republic of Iran exploiting cultural capabilities, Persian language, common history of civilization, higher educational capabilities especially in academic exchange can make a positive image of it and promote its educational diplomacy in Central Asia Region

Abstract After World War II, Japan came under the security umbrella of the United States. Due to dominating military logic over the cold war, Japan played a small role in this era and was inactive in the case of international affairs. However, the collapse of bipolar system paved the way for Japan to implement more independent foreign policy. At this time, Central Asia was involved in post-cold war evolutions so that five independent republics were established in the region. The coincidence of these two evolutions raises the question in mind that what have been the aspects and plans of Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia. Japan’s regional policy in Central Asia has features rooted in Yoshida’s Doctrine. During the cold war era, Japan was a strategic and inactive country, but in the post-cold war era, it transformed into a flexible government in terms of the international arena. The interpretation of this flexibility in Central Asia can be justified by less activity in political and military plans and greater emphasis on economic aspects. In general, Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia has both political and economic aspects, but within Japan’s plan, the economic aspect has got the higher priority. The essence of Japan’s plans in Central Asia sends out a message to its neighbor that Tokyo does not intend to compete for geopolitics in the region and attempts to act based on the common economic interests. In this paper, Japan’s regional policy has been investigated based on hegemonic theory.

Abstract Region word is mutant concept in political term, That’s mean, predefined regions will altered over the time with Political climate. Central Asia in cold war period was a part of Soviet Union.  After the collapse of the Soviet Union  five republics became independent in this area. During the first half of Nineties decade, Most of researchers were believing that Central Asia, Caucasus, Baltic States & Eastern Europe has not  Separate identities. But Gradually  in  the second half of this decade Central Asia Studied as distinct region. Expanding the Central Asia borders was raised coincide with occurrence the New Great Game in this region. Greater Central Asia plan is Consequence of this Process. Up to now Different interpretations of Greater Central Asia have been presented. This Article follows the American Greater Central Asia narrative and tries to answer the below questions. Whether Greater Central Asia  can be implementation? What are the forwarded Restrictions of this project? What is the main aftermath of Greater Central Asia plan? “The main Consequence of Greater Central Asia plan is reduces China & Russia influence in region. Greater Central Asia plan have faced with complex of security barriers. China & Russia’s Opposition will Prevent Implementation of this plan.” We will examine above  hypothesis With applying the Regional Security Complex theory.
 
 

Abstract Central Asia is one of the regions with which China has traditionally and for a long period of time had close ties. One aspect of China’s ties and relations with Central Asian countries which has taken into consideration through the last decade is cultural relations and in particular, China’s attempts to develop its soft power instruments in the region; a trend which has reflected in various issues. “Soft Power” is a term which has raised and studied in the last two decades as a new concept and China is no exception in considering this type of power.
By focusing on this aspect of China’s relations with Central Asian countries, this article tries to analyze that what is the China’s goal in attempting to develop its soft power instruments in the region and how and by which means China exerts its soft power in the region? After analyzing data and evidences, this article argues that China has considered developing its soft power and strengthening its cultural relations with Central Asian countries as a predisposing factor to expand its multi-faceted influence in the region, ultimately aims at increasing its power in the international arena. 

Abstract Since long ago, competitions and rivalries have always been observed among major world powers as different actors. In this process, major powers have sought to extend their area of influence over the whole regions of the globe. These powers utilize all possible facilities and instruments to translate into reality their interests and purposes. Therefore, international diplomacy has been analyzed based on the competition index among major powers. One of the areas over which rivalries have been intense is the Central Asia and Caucasus, which witnessed a sort of power vacuum after collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.  Geo-political, geo-strategic, and geo-economic conditions of these areas have provoked major powers to bear vehement inclination for attendance and playing role therein. As two key actors in international system, China and the United States have made tremendous efforts to stabilize their influence over the Central Asian states in recent past. In the present article, areas of rivalry between the US and China in Central Asia will be under sharp focus.

Abstract The republic of Uzbekistan is the only country in Central Asia and the Caucasus that has pursued a changing approach in its foreign policy. Uzbekistan's foreign policy has always oscillated between accompaniment and opposition towards both the US and Russia. This raises the question that what is the main reason of this lack of consistency in Uzbekistan's foreign policy and what are the regional and international consequences? To answer this question, this article tries to study the reasons of this changing policy at both domestic and international levels of analysis in the framework of James Rosenau's consistency theory. Accordingly, the article argues that Uzbekistan as economically undeveloped society and politically closed society as well as being a small power (in the international system), two variables of personality (authoritarian character and approach of Islam Karimov) and international environment (differences in the Central Asia and the US-Russia rivalry) are more influential than other variables of role, government and society in shaping a changing foreign policy. Adopting this kind of foreign policy by Tashkent, may cause important consequences including undermining Uzbekistan's prestige as a reliable ally, aggravating differences between Uzbekistan and Central Asia countries, weakening the Collective Security Treaty Organization, divergence in Shanghai Cooperation Organization and intensifying competition between China and Russia on the one hand and the US on the other hand in the Central Asia which in turn has played an important role in the unstable conditions in the Central Asia.

Abstract Due to its particular geopolitical, economic, civilization and strategic location, Iran has always faced various threats by the superpowers. To this, Russia (former Soviet Union) as the Iran’s northern neighbor has had a special place, where one can say that changes in the relations between the two countries have had the highest impact on Iran's security considerations. The Soviet Union was regarded as a threat for Iran’s security. However, when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991,   Iran’s perceived threat from Russia's borders moved to the mountains of the Caucasus.  The collapse of Soviet Union and the independence of the Central Asian republics provided Iran with opportunities (and to some degree challenges). The main question that this paper addresses is dealing with Iran’s attitude towards security in the region? With a consideration to the political, social and security challenges. The main hypothesis of this paper is that the region republics will achieve their goals in a stable and secured situation and this will provide better condition for Iran in order to gain its national interests.  In short, Iran has tried to develop economic and cultural relations (which is common in bilateral and multilateral security), with the region, and to help the republics to solve their problems and crises. In addition, Tehran has attempted to prevent regional and global powers influence in this region and tied its interests with this region's interests. 

Abstract Afghanistan is located in a region that from a political, security, economic, cultural and geopolitical point of view, can be placed in a sub-class of a multi-regional system which includes Central Asia, Middle East, and South Asia. However, this country can mainly be considered a sub-class of the Central Asian region. Although the intense rivalry existing between India and Pakistan, has led Kabul to enter the regional equations in South Asia. On the other hand, Afghanistan is India's gateway to Central Asia, and the Middle East. Thus, India will be able to expand its strategic depth to Central Asia, and prevent itself from being surrounded by China and Pakistan. The result of the above mentioned issues, in addition of adding Afghanistan to the South Asian security concerns, is highlighting the position of Kabul in India's foreign policy. In this paper, we seek to answer the following questions with the use of Buzan security complex theory. "What is Afghanistan's place in India's foreign policy concerning South Asia after the events of Sept. 11, 2001? What are the factors affecting Afghanistan's entry into the security dynamics of South Asia?" The authors' hypothesis is as follows: "Afghanistan is a country that acts as insulation between several regional sub-systems Political, economic and especially the security crisis following the developments after September eleven, 2001 have pushed this country towards South Asia. India's foreign policy also seeks to exploit these new conditions."

Abstract The United States has been one of the most dynamic and influential actors in Central Asia during the past two decades. In fact, the imperatives of the US hegemony in the post-cold war world, in different terms such as colonialism and imperialism, caused the United States to be present in a far distant region on the basis of the three principles of promotion, expansion and interventionism. The existence of three US rivals; Russia, China and Iran in the neighborhood of this region and interaction or opposition of these three regional powers with the US goals, policies and approaches has shaped a large part of the New Great Game. The above circumstances raise the following question: What approaches are taken by Russia, China and Iran to oppose or reduce the US influence in Central Asia? Have these approaches or reactions been the same or they have different natures? To answer these questions, a hypothesis is advanced that the behavioral models of Russia, China and Iran have not been the same and they have had some different experiences based on their relative advantages in geographical, geopolitical, political, defensive, security, cultural and civilizational fields of Central Asia as well as their respective bilateral relations with the US. This article tries to test this hypothesis and to provide a convincing, comprehensive and logical answer to the mentioned question by applying the theory of hegemony and some concepts such as counter- hegemonic as well as hard and soft balance

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an extraordinary opportunity for China to enforce political and economic process in the Central Asian region. Proximity of the border of China and the Central Asian countries with rapid economic growth of China, have imposed certain conditions on Central Asian countries' relations with it. In general, bilateral relations between China and the countries of this region are not excepted from universal process of economic diplomacy of Beijing. Existence of considerable energy resources in strategic region of Central Asia has caused Beijing to pay more attention to the region. In addition to geopolitical neighborhood and special importance of this region for China, Beijing leaders are developing economic relations with countries in the region as their foreign policy agenda to maintain social and political stability inside the country, particularly in border areas such as Xinjiang. The insecurity in the western borders of Muslim province of Xinjiang, which is on the border of China and Central Asian countries; has forced China to develop relations with the Central Asian republics.    Also, the influence of United States on Central Asia after September 11, 2001 has been a far-fetched incident for the Chinese and overall strategy of China towards its neighbors. The combination of these factors affected Chinese foreign policy and its conduced of objectives and interests in the Central Asian has undergone special considerations and strategies.            The main question of this article is that whether China can upgrade its position as to the first grade in competition with the major powers to become the first power in the Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that, due to the increasing presence of US and Russia in the economy of the region, China probably cannot gain first place in relations with Central Asian states until the next decade.  

Abstract Security priorities of a country are not only affected by its internal situation, but sometimes regional situation is also a determinant factor of these priorities. The effectiveness of regional situations is especially when the subject country has a growing economy. After the collapse of USSR, the Central Asia had the same effect on China’s security priorities. China is an emerging global power in Central Asia’s region. This emergence is obvious from economic, political and security aspects. Since 1990, Beijing has first taken a security approach for improving its relations with Central Asian countries, so that it can pave the road for other converging elements. It seems that China can take advantage of Central Asia both as a target and a tool for achieving other targets. This article is emphasizing on the hypothesis claiming that China has chosen the approach of “extended security” for its relations with Central Asia and has prioritized its economic interests in the region. This article tries to answer that why and how China follows the security-oriented economic strategy in Central Asia.

Abstract China's rising economic growth in recent decades has challenged economic and military dominance of the United States in Asia and the world. In order to achieve the place of a superpower, China has put priority on extending its influence in regional organizations to secure its energy and preserve its national security. Central Asia as a strategic neighbor for China and a spearhead for fighting terrorism has become the battlefield of two great powers after 2001. This article tries to clarify both the hegemonic goals of the United States and the influence of China in Central Asian countries. This article applies explanatory-analytical methodology to explain US-China confrontation in Central Asia. According to research achievements of the article, the United States has been trying to achieve the following goals: a)      To confront economic influence of China in Central Asian countries and also its exploitation of the region's energy resources; b)      Strengthening its military bases especially in Chinese boarders, and surround this country strategically; To face China with some security issues through evoking and supporting some separatist movements and ethical solidarities in this country.

Abstract Increasing role of energy and economy in international relations, has forced the states to find new economic resources in other parts of the world. Russia as an energy superpower in the world is trying to revive the authority of the Soviet era. Extension of influence in the former Soviet Union Republics is one of the major tools for Russia to implement this goal. Huge resources of energy in Central Asia, has persuaded Russia to be active in this region. For this purpose, Russia has promoted its political and economic relations with Central Asian states to become a great power in the "New Abroad" region. Russia is trying to maintain its supremacy in the world energy markets by controlling region's energy. Russia has tried to holds Central Asian Republics in the sphere of its influence through increasing control over the region's energy resources, deployment of its forces in Central Asia and creating of regional organizations. Russia wants weak Central Asian republics in terms of defense and economy and through that policy maintains its dominance on these countries. The main question is "whether Russia can maintain its influence in Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that considering the importance of energy which is on the rise within international economies and in creasing presence of other powers in Central Asia ,a tight competition is forged in the region that can Russia’s dominance and in flounce in Central Asia.

Abstract The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which is currently recognized as the most significant grouping in Central Eurasia has been under a great deal of scrutiny since its very inception. However, there have been lots of discussions about the organization’s true nature and main working sphere. With regard to the fact that the security concerns have been the most important pretext for forming the SCO and the security factor has always been of a greater importance on the organization’s agenda, this article tries to analyze the extent of which    the SCO has been able to resolve the security concerns of the member states successfully. While introducing the most important security threats in Central Asia, this article shows that the SCO has been able to resolve the security threats of the member states at three levels (international, regional and domestic) and thus, has organized the first real framework for the effective multilateral security cooperation in the region. However, a set of factors, such as historical rivalries and mistrust and the westward policies among some of the member states has prevented the organization to reach the optimum level of its activities.

Abstract Characteristics and the degree of geographic, economic, cultural, and political-security dependencies of one country to another country or region are determinants of its geopolitical identity. Speaking of geopolitics identity means to what regional system a country belongs. Due to a variety of different geographical, cultural, political dependencies to the surrounding countries and regions, geopolitics identity of the Central Asian countries is of unique and multiplexing feature. The article, using the theory of global geopolitics system, identifies the dependency of the Central Asian countries to their surrounding powers (Russia, China and Iran) and analyses the region’s geopolitics identity.

Abstract This paper examines China’s goals and interests in the Central Asian region and its applying methods of power elements in pursuing them. The article firstly explores the theoretical discourses of power in the international relations literature especially realism and neo-realism and then explains the concept of soft power and its elements. In pursuing national interest of China in different regions of the world especially in Central Asia, the main method at the hands of Beijing statesmen is the application of soft power, the author maintains.

Abstract Interdependence in the economic-security areas, historical, ethnic and racial links, common security threats and concerns among the Central Asian states demonstrate a complex network of extending forms of security relations which has made it hard to make to make clear cut border lines of national security of these countries. This interdependence and various links are more indicative of irrefutable necessity to the growth and development of mechanism based on intergovernmental cooperation to oppose, resolve or manage the security threats and other existing independencies in the regional level. Years of relations and dominant equations on the existing regional trends, however, show rare evidence of moving the Central Asian republics towards some cooperation-based arrangements. Developments in intergovernmental cooperation have faced many obstacles and challenges and a clear prospect does not appear in the near future. Accordingly, the article is to find the major obstacles in the way of growth and extension of cooperation among countries in the regional level. The hypotheses to examine are the political structures of the countries in the region, intergovernmental differences and rivalries, emphasis on extreme nationalism, unbalanced level of development, and a variety of actors.

Abstract China and the Central Asian countries had significant historical ties with each other. After the end of the Cold War, however, these relations boosted up dramatically in various fields. In a realistic approach, this article bases on an assumption that security is the most basic factor in relations between China and the other Central Asian countries and China's other objectives in the region are shadowed by this issue. Accordingly, this article attempts to analyze the factors such as the role of border security and terrorism in the relations between China and the Central Asian states and to explore Beijing's strategies to overcome challenges to regional security and developing security interactions with neighboring countries.