‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020 and its impact on Other regional and international actors showed the geopolitical importance of this region and the effects of these crises on Iran, therefore, the present research is aimed at answering this question: What threats will the Zangez-Zor Corridor construction program have against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? And in this regard, using the theory of regional security, the hypothesis has been proposed that the creation of Zangezzor Corridor in the territory of Armenia, based on the plans announced by the Republic of Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, can change the regional balance of power to the detriment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Therefore, the advancement of this project is considered a security threat against the geopolitical and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most important of which are: the possibility of changing the geopolitical borders by blocking the land border between Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing national sovereignty and territorial integrity by advancing the Pan-Turkic plan and reviving Azari ethnocentrism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of the country. Also, descriptive analytical method has been used in this research and library information collection method has been used.

Abstract The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.

Abstract The South Caucasus region holds an important position in international politics in terms of energy resources, transit, geopolitical and geoeconomic importance. A region where the three countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, with their continued internal disputes and security instability, have prevented the formation of a common security complex and facilitated the influence and competition of regional and trans-regional actors in influencing the course of developments. Therefore, the main question is: what will be the approach of regional and transregional actors, their goals and position in achieving their interests in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035? In response to the main question, the main hypothesis claims that regional and transregional actors will adopt opposing approaches in the horizon of 2035 to achieve their strategic interests. And the geopolitical, political, and internal security challenges of the region and the contradictory alignment of the South Caucasus countries in proximity to regional and trans-regional powers in achieving national interests will make the security environment of the South Caucasus competitive, unbalanced, and critical, and will provide grounds for the influence of the aforementioned powers. The main goal of this research is to analyze and explain the interests of regional and trans-regional actors in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035 from the perspective of expert elites. The research method of this article is strategic foresight and Michel Goudet's structural analysis method, and the data collection tool is the use of books, articles, authentic documents, questionnaires, and semi-in-depth interviews experts and elites.

Abstract توافق آتش‌بس نوامبر ۲۰۲۰ میان جمهوری آذربایجان و ارمنستان در خصوص منطقه قره‌باغ، نقطه عطفی در ساختار ژئوپلیتیک قفقاز جنوبی محسوب می‌شود که مرزهای سیاسی و موازنه‌های امنیتی منطقه را بازتعریف کرده است. این توافق نه‌تنها قدرت بازیگران محلی را تغییر داد، بلکه نفوذ بازیگران فرامنطقه‌ای را نیز گسترش داد و چالش‌ها و فرصت‌های جدیدی را برای کشورهای همجوار، به‌ویژه جمهوری اسلامی ایران، ایجاد نمود. از منظر راهبردی ایران، پیامدهای این تحولات دوگانه است: از یک سو، بازگشایی مسیرهای ترانزیتی و امکان توسعه زیرساخت‌های انرژی و حمل‌ونقل، فرصت‌های اقتصادی قابل‌توجهی را فراهم ساخته و نقش ایران را به‌عنوان یک بازیگر کلیدی منطقه‌ای تقویت می‌کند؛ از سوی دیگر، تغییر موازنه‌های امنیتی و افزایش حضور نظامی و سیاسی بازیگران خارجی، تهدیدهای بالقوه‌ای برای ثبات مرزهای شمال غربی و امنیت ملی ایران ایجاد می‌کند. این پژوهش با بهره‌گیری از روش تحلیل کیفی، تحولات ژئوپلیتیک پس از توافق ۲۰۲۰ و پیامدهای آن بر منافع اقتصادی و امنیتی ایران را بررسی و ارزیابی می‌کند. یافته‌ها تأکید می‌کنند که اتخاذ سیاست‌های هوشمندانه، متوازن و چندجانبه در تعامل با بازیگران منطقه‌ای، برای حفظ و ارتقای منافع ملی ایران حیاتی است.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and India differ significantly in their foreign policy orientations. While India, despite certain ups and downs, has largely aligned itself with the Western-led global order, Iran has consistently maintained a confrontational stance toward it. Despite these profound differences, the two countries have converged on certain geoeconomic issues—particularly in the South Caucasus and the development of the North-South Corridor—based on their respective national interests. This study seeks to answer the central question: What factors have contributed to the emergence of joint strategic approaches between Iran and India in the South Caucasus, and specifically regarding the development of the North-South Corridor? The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s unique geopolitical and geoeconomic characteristics—and their value to India—alongside the significant mutual benefits derived from this project, have facilitated bilateral cooperation in this shared endeavor. The findings indicate that although the project has achieved relative progress due to its shared advantages, the sustained pursuit of joint strategies in this domain remains contingent upon broader variables at the international system level as well as regional dynamics. Methodologically, this research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and is grounded in the theory of geoeconomics, relying on library-based sources, including academic articles, and specialized news platforms.

Abstract Deep geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on the relations between Iran and the Republic of Armenia. The geographical location and strategic importance have turned this region into one of the most important regions in the world, and the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors has had a direct impact on this relationship. This research seeks to evaluate the behavioral pattern of Iran and Armenia in the South Caucasus region, especially after the changes caused by the Second Karabakh War in 2020, because the Second Karabakh War changed the balance of regional power, the strategic environment and the perspective of arrangements. It has revolutionized the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. In this regard, the main question of the research is raised in this way, what was the behavior pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Armenia in the South Caucasus region? Using the concept of geo-polynomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern to maintain the balance of power in the South Caucasus region is to expand the political, security and economic relationship with Armenia, especially after the second Karabakh war; Of course, geopolinomic concZangzor Corridor and military-intelligence exchange have remained strong, which after 2020 will increase tensions in the South Caucasus, especially between Iran and the opposite bloc. which includes Azerbaijan, Turkey and thonist regime. We do this important based on the descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative research methods that have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and authentic cyberspace websites.

Abstract The South Caucasus is a very important region that has a significant place in the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century. The wars in Ukraine and Karabagh provided a unique opportunity for Türkiye to review its new strategic perspective. Following the implementation of the trust-building project with Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia, Turkey has adopted a multifaceted strategy to establish stability and balance. The current research, by applying the constructivist theory, seeks to answer the question, what are the economic, political and military goals of Turkey in the countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia? The findings of the research show that Turkey has a multifaceted strategy to achieve economic goals (access to the consumer market, investment and mastery of energy lines and ensuring energy security), political and strategic (expanding the sphere of strategic influence and geopolitical in the region and the international environment) and military and security (changing the military and security balance of the region by providing assistance to strategic allies). The result is that following the change of geopolitical realities in the Caucasus, Turkey is trying to increase its geopolitical weight in the world by applying a multifaceted strategy while reducing the role of its competitors, Russia and Iran in the region and by finding a way to improve relations with Armenia. Change and promote international multipolar order.

Abstract Transitioning from conflicts has a direct relationship with gender equality in the peacebuilding.This means that just as war affect the lives of all human beings Justice requires that all people participate in the process of establishing peace.The use of women in terrorist organizations shows the need to pay attention to this part of the peace building process. Researchers believe that in many cases,The failure in the peace-making process is due to the lack of presence of women in this process. Therefore, today peace and transition from conflicts is tied to gender equality. The main question of this research is, how has the effect of gender and women been on the transition from conflicts in the South Caucasus region in the years after independence? The evidence shows that the women have been able to participate in the processes of peace-building by strengthening the perception of their outstanding role in this path along with the change in the views of the post-independence political institutions regarding their ability. However, a mixture of strong dominance of patriarchal institutions on the society, lack of self-confidence in women and little effect of informal organizations on the peacebuilding and peacekeeping processes in this region have caused women to still not achieve their true position in the process of creating a post-conflict society.Examining the role of women in the transition from the post-independence conflicts in the South Caucasus in the context of the theoretical literature of gender, war and peace with Analytical-Descriptive and Historical methods confirms this hypothesis.

Abstract The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Abstract In different historical periods, one of the important geopolitical regions for Iran's security has been the South Caucasus region. China is trying to revive the historical Silk Road with a new one-belt-one-way plan, which used to start from China and lead to Europe through Iran and the Caucasus. Iran has a fundamental position in the plan of this corridor; the kind that reaches the Black Sea from Chabahar through the North-South corridor and passes through Armenia, Georgia, and Russia. After the ceasefire in the second Karabakh War, an agreement was reached between Azerbaijan and Armenia, one of the provisions of which is the plan to reopen the old roads. Still, Azerbaijan has an idea beyond the old one-way under the supervision of Armenia and wants to create a west-east corridor in the Zangezor region, directly under the supervision of Baku. This action violates the territorial integrity of Armenia, and also, causes the destruction of Iran's border with Armenia. On the way to creating the western-eastern corridor of Zangezzor, not only the Republic of  Azerbaijan but also many countries support the creation of this corridor. Now, the main question of this research is, what effect does Azerbaijan's plans to create a new corridor have on Iran's security? These countries are pursuing goals such as the creation of NATO's Turani Corridor, a permanent source of energy, and ultimately this extravagance will lead to the blockade of Iran in the northwest and the loss of one of the old crossings and highways.

Abstract The South Caucasus has always been of interest to major powers, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, it became a stage for regional and extra-regional power competition. Iran and Russia are among the countries that have focused on the South Caucasus and have sought to expand their influence in this region. This region holds significant strategic importance for both Iran and Russia. One of the important crises in the South Caucasus is the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which has had various stages throughout history. The First Nagorno-Karabakh War continued from 1991 to 1994. The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War began on September 27, 2020, and lasted for 44 days. According to the authors, the concept of a "shatter belt" can provide a useful framework for analyzing Iran and Russia's approach to the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh war. In this study, the South Caucasus is considered a shatter belt. In response to the question of "what approach Iran and Russia had towards the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh wars and what factors influenced their approach," the authors propose the hypothesis that "factors such as interest in preserving regional independence and security, mediating in regional conflicts, competing with regional and global powers, internal factors of each country, and the need to realize national interests have influenced Iran and Russia's approach to the first and second Nagorno-Karabakh wars." A descriptive-analytical method has been used to answer this question.

Abstract Integrated water and basin management has been used since the 1970s to resolve the challenges posed by water scarcity and has become a global requirement, specifically after the presentation of Agenda 21 at the January 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro. Integrated water and basin resource management is one of the optimal methods of water allocation within countries and, and at the same time, one of the global solutions for controlling the water crisis and preventing water disputes in common water basins. One of these important water basins is Aras-Kor, which flows through  five coastal countries: Turkey, Georgia, the Republic of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Iran in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus.The question now is How much the coastal countries of the Aras-Kor basin have used integrated water and basin management?
The hypothesis of this paper is that despite the efforts and measures taken, the water programs of the coastal countries of Aras-Kor Basin are still far from the principles and criteria of integrated water resources management, especially for the basins. In this article, a descriptive-analytical and library method has been used to examine the extent to which the coastal countries of the Kor-Aras Basin adhere to the principles and criteria of integrated water and basins resources management.

Abstract       Continuous monitoring of the daily lives of citizens is one of the fundamental propositions of bio-theory. On a broader scale, continued security controls and strict oversight over neighboring countries are also enforced by countries that have some form of historical-civilization conflict with their neighbors. Russia, as one of the historical and political axes of Central Asia, has adopted different foreign policies than what is called the near abroad. However, the fundamental element that is most prominent in Russian foreign policy in its peripheral environment seems to be its overarching security approach and its imposition of regional hegemony. In this regard, the present study has investigated the foreign policy of Russia in the South Caucasus by using descriptive-analytical method and by using the theories of bio-political theory. The results show that Russian foreign policy lacks hegemonic burdens despite multiple layers of persistent flexibility. This lack is due to divergent histories, cultures and ideologies that exist in the region, and Russia has always tried to suppress them by maintaining its superior military doctrine. Russia's military doctrine, however, has been able to maintain its hardware hegemony over the South Caucasus, and the three countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia inevitably pursue a policy of alignment and alignment with Russia because of structural deficiencies.

Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus.
Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor.
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Abstract South Caucasus is one of the most important regions in studying separatism phenomenon. The significant factor in scrutinizing separatism movements in South Caucasus is that although there have been many separatism inclinations during post – soviet years, but not all of them have been successful and from this perspective, there are significant differences among them. In order to scrutinize the causes of the mentioned issue, the theory of ethnic bargaining is used to assess separatism in the framework of reciprocal relations of ethnic groups, host state and lobby state and the access of ethnic groups to bargaining instruments. Therefore the present article addresses the following question: Why some of ethnic groups have been more successful in gaining political independence? What have been the causes of success or failure of the ethnic groups in their separatism process? In order to answer the above – mentioned question, the following hypothesis is delivered: The more ethnic groups possess instruments for bargaining with the central government, the more assets they gain, the more radicalized become their requirements. Possessing two important factors and territorial containment and foreign protection, the ethnic groups would lead towards separatism even using violence. Using explanatory – analyzing method and referring to library and governmental and international documentary resources, the authors attempt to provide the hypothetical answer to the mentioned question.

Abstract According to Russia's membership in the “UN Security Council”, nuclear power, proximity and involvement in a wide arena of the world’s geography (Japan, China, Central Asia, the Middle East, the Black Sea, East Europe to the Baltic region), as well as the possibility of military support and reinforcement of different groups and governments; the influence of Russia’s remoteness and proximity in various parts of the world, especially in the “South Caucasus”, is still undeniable. A series of security and strategic interests (in relation to Armenia and Georgia), as well as economic interests (mainly relevant to Azerbaijan) have made “South Caucasus” important for Russia; thus, in expanding the relations, “Eurasia region” has been the priority of the country in all foreign policy documents until 2016. The main objective of this article is, to respond to this question: How Russia has turned into a security activist in the “South Caucasus”? The hypothesis, which is raised in response to this main question, is as follows: A series of strategic, security, military, economic and energy resources have turned Russia into a security activist in the South Caucasus. In this article, it is tried to answer to the main question through studying Russia’s foreign policy documents and then different approaches of the country; as well as studying its interests in various fields by a descriptive – explanatory method.

Abstract After the collapse of Soviet Union, South Caucasus has been the ground of different kinds of threats and security challenges. The most important security challenges in South Caucasus include ethnic and territorial conflicts, political instability, lack of economic and social development, transnational threats, organized crime, and finally the competition of regional and trans-regional powers. The existence of these challenges has provided a security complexity in Caucasus and has prevented the establishment of stability and peace in this region. The main question in this study is: How can we employ the main components of the security complex including polarity, social construct, state's nature, boundary and anarchy in south Caucasus? Assumption is that the components of regional security complex can be applied in south Caucasus because of its security interdependence; this region would be considered independence from Russia regional security complex.  The Firstly, an attempt has been made to assess the genealogy of the security complex theory. Then, a survey has been done to see whether this complex is a sub complex of Russia security complex or it is an independent one, using the framework of boundaries concept. Finally, the components of security complex theory are applied in South Caucasus using an "Explanation and Positivism" methodology.

Abstract South Caucasus is one of the regions in the world which faces with numerous challenges considering the security area and after two decades of the collapse of the Soviet Union, it has not reached the political and economic integration yet. In this region, there is a kind of cooperation and rivalry among Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia and also among these countries with external players. These three countries have pursued different and sometimes contradictory paths and participated in different organizations, programs, agreements and coalitions. The EU and Russian Federation are two important actors in the South Caucasus. Framing the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership, the EU has sought to play a more highlighted role in the region. The Russia-Georgia war in 2008 and the EU's intervention especially the French government's initiative led to Brussels' pronounced role. Considering the South Caucasus as its near abroad, Russia with formulating mechanisms such as the Eurasian Economic Union tries to counter the influence of NATO and the EU's in the region. In this article, the factors influencing on the EU-Russia's differences in the South Caucasus will be studied. The hypothesis will be as "differences in perception of security, securing energy security, a bid to establish sphere of influence and economic benefits have led to Brussels- Russia's differences and disputes. The research approach used in this article is analytic-descriptive.  

Abstract In this paper, the process of state-building in the South Caucasus republics since their independence in 1991 until now has been studied. These countries have problems in the state-building process would be difficult to solve, also Have to solve problems left over from the communist era, Problems such as inefficient centralized economy and to fight cross-border ethnic issues, As a result, has been additional responsibility of leaders. While in the past two decades have not achieved significant success in this area and suffer from incomplete penetration territorial, Separatism, Lack of integration, not solving identity crisis and also have suffered from inadequate institutional structure. The countries of the region despite common experience in unsuitable state-building process, each of them have shown different progress in this area. While the Republic of Armenia take advantage of Opportunities such as more integrated identity and external support, have been shown better performance, Georgia with ethnic problems, war and separation 20% of its territory in the weakest performance in this area has shown. However, Azerbaijan state has experienced numerous crises and still suffers from Weak democratic institutions, but because of the Greater extent, more resources and population has a brighter future.

Abstract The Collapse of the Soviet Union caused a very important change in the security environment of the areas that were separated, including the South Caucasus. The emergence of three states of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia in the South Caucasus led to changes in the regional security equations and interaction patterns, which were influenced by the presence and number of actors, and the complexity and variety of regional issues, including the issues of ethnicity, political and territorial disputes and economic problems. The presence of numerous external actors, including governments and various alliances are amongst the most important security and economical developments in the countries of the South Caucasus. This paper seeks to answer the question, why after gaining their independence the South Caucasian countries have started to follow the model of alliances and coalitions in their foreign policy and have employed this strategy in their agenda? The hypothesis here is that security and political challenges in the region, being surrounded by large regional states and the economic weakness of the South Caucasian countries, are at the root of the tendency to adopt a pattern of establishing  alliances with regional and extra-regional actors.

Abstract            Fundamental changes have occurred in Iran's Foreign Policy, by Islamic Revolution and special principles were formed in Islamic Republic of Iran’s Foreign Policy. These principles in different           sub-discourses have experienced ebb and flow. A decade after of the Islamic Revolution, independent countries were born in Caucasus. This region gained significant position in the framework of “look North” policy. By the end of the eight year war and the necessity of occurred internal restrictions, discourse changes occurred in foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Regional policy in the South Caucasus was not exempt from this issue. So these questions are raised: What is the dominant discourse of Iran’s foreign Policy in South Caucasus? How continuity and change has occurred in Iran's foreign policy principles toward South Caucasus? The hypothesis of this article is that: geopolitical discourse in the South Caucasus has achieved a hegemonic status in Iran’s foreign policy and foreign policy principles are survived in a more flexible form. 

Abstract After the Cold War, relationships among the European countries and Russia entered into a new phase. Despite the rise in of interactions between Brussels and Moscow through cooperation agreements, 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, Energy Roadmap 2050, and other partnerships in such regards as fighting against terrorism and WMDs, these two actors are in wide divergences and rivalries in some areas. Although economic significance of Russia for Europe has been on the rise during recent years, there have been major vicissitudes in political relations. In its new presidency period of Putin, Russia has been making fresh attempts to gain its previous position. In many cases, however, Moscow’s interests and values are put in stark contrast with those of Europe’s. In the present study, divergence and rivalry dimensions between the EU and Russia are to be investigated. Areas like energy (in spite of interdependencies), renovation, South Caucasus, common neighborhood, and security are, as believed by the authors, confronting major disagreements.

Abstract The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share a deep common historical trauma rooted in the Soviet era and suffer from a disserviceexperience. Economic mismanagement, corruption, social hardship, weak institutions, conflicting tendencies toward authoritarianism and reformism, ethnic discords, border unrests and several silent crises in the region are the Soviet legacy for the three countries. The article seeks to examine the security problems of South Caucasus (Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia), trans-regional powers' views (United States, EU, NATO) toward the security of South Caucasus and perspective of the regional powers (Turkey, Russian Federation, the Islamic Republic of Iran) visa-a-vis the region. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of "regional security complexes" initiated by Barry Buzan, but will be integrated with his new theory of inter-subjective securitization to propose a layout beyond the classic theory of security complexes.

Abstract Approaching neo-functionalism, the article attempts to discuss achievements in three different periods of short, middle and long terms relations between Turkey and Armenia namely, opening borders, normalization and reliable partners in economic, political, and security areas. In this regard, the article maintains the dynamics governing bilateral relations and their evolution in the given times and context of the region. In the short term, the focus is on the effects of opening borders on the two nations’ economy, while in the middle term the focus is on relief and operation of regional infrastructure remaining from the Soviet era and forming the new communication infrastructure and energy pipe lines and their compliance with the European projects as a gateway to the regional economic integration. Finally, the article discusses the split over the said areas in the long term that may lead to the new types of political alliances and coalitions and the resolution of the regional differences such as Karabakh. According to this approach, the future of the region is not only more sensible but more touchable to the interests of the parties involved, including the regional and ultra regional powers.

Abstract In recent years, relations between the Russia Federation and the south littoral states have experienced some developments. While Russia is continuing its main role in the area, the role of other regional and international actors, such as United States and NATO is increasingly challenging the Russian interests in its vital backyard, the Near Abroad, as called by Russians. To face these challenges and secure its national security and vital interests, Russia is trying to find an effective and less expensive solution. Considering the new conditions of the region, wherein Moscow is unable to discard all rivals from the Central Asia and especially Caucasus political arena, Russian policy and effectiveness has directed and seems to be continued toward not letting its rival strategies achieve their expected results. Russia is also trying to utilize from its privileged economic, political, military situation in the region to control foreign policy behavior of the Caucuses republics in order to eliminate those factors that are in Russian view contradicting with its national security and interests. In this way Russia hopes preventing or delaying the region in its integration with the West political and security structures.