‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The present literature attempts to throw light on extremism in Xinxiang, its causes and strengthening factors. Furthermore the central government’s transaction and proceedings towards the citizens of that province in scrutinized. Regional and racial divergence of Xinxiang Uighurs in contrast to China’s main population, besides susceptibility from extremist and Islamist groups in Central Asia are among the causes of extremism in Xinxiang. This land is prone to instability and growing clashes between Han Chinese and indigenous Uighurs; the first one in an attempt to overwhelm, and the latter one for autonomy or dependence. Focusing on the effects of Central Asia extremism on separatism and extremism inclinations in Xinxiang, the authors try to find an answer for the following question: What strategies has China’s central government taken for containing extremism in Xinxiang? The authors argue that China’s government has taken a hybrid containment strategy. The strategy of developing China’s western regions; suppression strategy; religious control and population change are the most important internal measures taken by China’s government in economic; security; and cultural – societal sectors respectively. Strengthening economic relations with Xinxiang neighbors, investment in energy sectors in that region, Belt – Road Initiative, using potentialities of SCO, as well as designing a political – security strategy for stabilizing neighboring countries to Xinxiang, are the measures taken for the exterior dimension. Using explanatory – analytical research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research questions.

Abstract Sino-Russian relationship has been in the stage of strategic cooperation for more than two decades. This cooperation covers different areas including economic cooperation. Trade of goods, energy transportation and foreign investment are components of Sino-Russian economic relationship. Starting from a very low level in 1990s, economic cooperation between the two countries has traversed a rising trajectory despite some fluctuations, and officials from both sides have always tried to expand this cooperation. Strategic nature of the relationship between China and Russia is emphasized by political experts and officials from both countries. Given the strategic nature of Sino-Russian relationship, our primary research question is as the following: what is the strategic significance of the economic cooperation between China and Russia, within the overall framework of their relationship? The authors firstly define the concept of strategic relationship based on the emphasized characteristics of such a relationship. Then, the strategic significance of economic cooperation between China and Russia is assessed using this definition. The hypothesis of the authors is that the economic cooperation between China and Russia lacks a high level of strategic significance.

Abstract An increase of energy consumption in China since last two decades and the same continuous perspective for future has made the issue of fossil fuel provision a vital and significant factor for the country. An access to safe energy resources is an important element for guaranteeing the revitalization trend as China’s strategic choice. Therefore one of the prominent foreign diplomacy trends for China is to have an access to convenient energy resources and to diversify its import hubs as well as to extend its relations with countries that are rich in hydro carbonic resources, especially in Caspian region. Furthermore considering its rich gas resources, Turkmenistan’s strategic plan is to become a strategic actor in energy area. During the presidency of Bardi Mohammadov, de-isolation was one of the foreign policy priorities as well as attracting foreign investment and access to diversified foreign markets through development of gas transportation routes.
The present article attempts to assess the impact of energy on foreign policy and bilateral relations. The hypothesis of the literature is that energy has paved the way for Turkmenistan – China relations and Central Asia – China gas pipeline has been the startup of the mentioned cooperation. This article is written using explanatory – analytical description and the theory of economic interdependency.

Abstract The present article mainly attempts to deliver a comparison between China and US policies in combating terrorism in Central Asia. Therefore it addresses the following question: Which policies have been used by US and China for preventing the expansion of terrorism in Central Asia? The hypothesis is that these two actors have chosen a cooperative and interactive policy for combating terrorism. Central Asia’s security and stability has a greater importance for China. That is why China has some security considerations that have led this country to multilateralism while the United Sates is less inclined to it. The other differentiation is that US approach towards combating terrorism is military – based, while China emphasizes on political and economic methods.

Abstract Moscow and Beijing’s cooperation in developing energy resources as well as maritime and rail transportation infrastructures in the Russian division of Arctic, is a goal for which the two countries can cooperate for their shared interests. However, the mentioned cooperation has not led to a satisfactory result except in an LNG project in Yamal Peninsula. Therefore the present article tries to answer the following question: Why Russian and China have not been able so far to achieve an advanced level of cooperation and partnership irrespective of their shared interests and goals in the Arctic?” An analysis of Russia and China’s situation and their regional and global goals indicates that governments and especially the great powers are always concerned about their share in cooperation. Using analytical – descriptive method and defensive realism theoretical framework, the paper tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Abstract Competitive behavior of the countries in economic area of contemporary era has led to the formation of new theoretical approaches for explaining those behaviors. In the mentioned era, economy has once again been noticed as the main motivation for world powers’ competition. Strategic relations between US and China also have the mentioned characteristic. Their competition in Tajikistan is seen as a new form of competition in international arena. Therefore the present article tries to answer the following question: What are the most important elements in competitive interaction between US and China in Tajikistan? According to the hypothesis, the most important elements in competitive interaction between the two countries are defined in two categories of economics and security. The mentioned competition has also its impact on the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. 

Abstract After the cold war and collapse of the Soviet Union, the international order faced drastic changes and the United States managed to establish its desired unipolar structure and hegemonic order due to its superiority in ideological, economic, political and military arenas. Notwithstanding, China’s economic growth and Russia’s reviving influence in regional and international evolutions, have lead to a change in international order and development of a unipolar-multipolar system that may increase either integration or conflicts between the actors. The following research question guides this study: What are the most influential factors for integration and conflict between Russia and China in post cold war era? The article’s hypotheses is that A) The following factors would lead to an integration between Russia and China: economic, political and security cooperation in the framework of BRICS and SCO, a cyber war with the United States, the worry of US and NATO’s presence in their borders’ periphery, common interests in Central Asia, common threats in regional crises (such as Syria and North Korea), and the worry of the   extremism expansion into their territories. B) Issues such as lack of confidence in mutual relations, increase of Chinese population in Russia, competition for energy resources in Central Asia, inability in building a defensive alliance between the two countries, would lead to a conflict between Russia and China. Using explanatory – analyzing research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Abstract With increasing economic dependence of world on hydrocarbon energy resources, and ongoing tensions in the Middle East and the emergence of Russia as a major player in the global energy market; the resources of oil and gas in Central Asia and their transportation routes to consumer markets have been greatly considered by the great industrial powers. There have been decades of long struggles over controlling natural oil and gas resources and infrastructures, and influence of central Asia that has been called "the new great game" between Europe, China, Russia and America, and each of these powers were trying to outpace each other in order to obtain more influence in the region. In the years of the Soviet Union collapse and the discovery of huge reserves of oil and gas in Central Asia, the competition between the great powers has been intensified. On the one hand, the Russians by confining all the exporting routes of their land have tended to maintain their traditional influence and control over the newly independent states. On the other hand, the United States has entered in the region as a serious competitor, and as a fan of the paths that will lead to its own long-term goals and geopolitical interests. Also, China with its strong incentives to be present in Central Asia and to challenge the hegemonic policies of America and also to achieve the regional energy resources and huge market has entered in this competition. Although Russia is the major power in Central Asia's resources, the presence of new players such as America, and especially China and the efforts of the Republic of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to find alternative ways to transport oil and gas have faced the Russian interests with some challenges in the region. Accordingly, the authors of this article ask this question: who is going to win the power game of having control over Central Asia's resources? Our hypothesis is that due to China's economic growth and the need of this country to the huge oil and gas resources as well as the development of Beijing's relationships with Central Asian neighbors; in the future China will be the main power in the region.    

Abstract Central Asia is one of the regions with which China has traditionally and for a long period of time had close ties. One aspect of China’s ties and relations with Central Asian countries which has taken into consideration through the last decade is cultural relations and in particular, China’s attempts to develop its soft power instruments in the region; a trend which has reflected in various issues. “Soft Power” is a term which has raised and studied in the last two decades as a new concept and China is no exception in considering this type of power.
By focusing on this aspect of China’s relations with Central Asian countries, this article tries to analyze that what is the China’s goal in attempting to develop its soft power instruments in the region and how and by which means China exerts its soft power in the region? After analyzing data and evidences, this article argues that China has considered developing its soft power and strengthening its cultural relations with Central Asian countries as a predisposing factor to expand its multi-faceted influence in the region, ultimately aims at increasing its power in the international arena. 

Abstract Since long ago, competitions and rivalries have always been observed among major world powers as different actors. In this process, major powers have sought to extend their area of influence over the whole regions of the globe. These powers utilize all possible facilities and instruments to translate into reality their interests and purposes. Therefore, international diplomacy has been analyzed based on the competition index among major powers. One of the areas over which rivalries have been intense is the Central Asia and Caucasus, which witnessed a sort of power vacuum after collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.  Geo-political, geo-strategic, and geo-economic conditions of these areas have provoked major powers to bear vehement inclination for attendance and playing role therein. As two key actors in international system, China and the United States have made tremendous efforts to stabilize their influence over the Central Asian states in recent past. In the present article, areas of rivalry between the US and China in Central Asia will be under sharp focus.

Abstract The United States has been one of the most dynamic and influential actors in Central Asia during the past two decades. In fact, the imperatives of the US hegemony in the post-cold war world, in different terms such as colonialism and imperialism, caused the United States to be present in a far distant region on the basis of the three principles of promotion, expansion and interventionism. The existence of three US rivals; Russia, China and Iran in the neighborhood of this region and interaction or opposition of these three regional powers with the US goals, policies and approaches has shaped a large part of the New Great Game. The above circumstances raise the following question: What approaches are taken by Russia, China and Iran to oppose or reduce the US influence in Central Asia? Have these approaches or reactions been the same or they have different natures? To answer these questions, a hypothesis is advanced that the behavioral models of Russia, China and Iran have not been the same and they have had some different experiences based on their relative advantages in geographical, geopolitical, political, defensive, security, cultural and civilizational fields of Central Asia as well as their respective bilateral relations with the US. This article tries to test this hypothesis and to provide a convincing, comprehensive and logical answer to the mentioned question by applying the theory of hegemony and some concepts such as counter- hegemonic as well as hard and soft balance

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an extraordinary opportunity for China to enforce political and economic process in the Central Asian region. Proximity of the border of China and the Central Asian countries with rapid economic growth of China, have imposed certain conditions on Central Asian countries' relations with it. In general, bilateral relations between China and the countries of this region are not excepted from universal process of economic diplomacy of Beijing. Existence of considerable energy resources in strategic region of Central Asia has caused Beijing to pay more attention to the region. In addition to geopolitical neighborhood and special importance of this region for China, Beijing leaders are developing economic relations with countries in the region as their foreign policy agenda to maintain social and political stability inside the country, particularly in border areas such as Xinjiang. The insecurity in the western borders of Muslim province of Xinjiang, which is on the border of China and Central Asian countries; has forced China to develop relations with the Central Asian republics.    Also, the influence of United States on Central Asia after September 11, 2001 has been a far-fetched incident for the Chinese and overall strategy of China towards its neighbors. The combination of these factors affected Chinese foreign policy and its conduced of objectives and interests in the Central Asian has undergone special considerations and strategies.            The main question of this article is that whether China can upgrade its position as to the first grade in competition with the major powers to become the first power in the Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that, due to the increasing presence of US and Russia in the economy of the region, China probably cannot gain first place in relations with Central Asian states until the next decade.  

Abstract Security priorities of a country are not only affected by its internal situation, but sometimes regional situation is also a determinant factor of these priorities. The effectiveness of regional situations is especially when the subject country has a growing economy. After the collapse of USSR, the Central Asia had the same effect on China’s security priorities. China is an emerging global power in Central Asia’s region. This emergence is obvious from economic, political and security aspects. Since 1990, Beijing has first taken a security approach for improving its relations with Central Asian countries, so that it can pave the road for other converging elements. It seems that China can take advantage of Central Asia both as a target and a tool for achieving other targets. This article is emphasizing on the hypothesis claiming that China has chosen the approach of “extended security” for its relations with Central Asia and has prioritized its economic interests in the region. This article tries to answer that why and how China follows the security-oriented economic strategy in Central Asia.

Abstract This paper examines China’s goals and interests in the Central Asian region and its applying methods of power elements in pursuing them. The article firstly explores the theoretical discourses of power in the international relations literature especially realism and neo-realism and then explains the concept of soft power and its elements. In pursuing national interest of China in different regions of the world especially in Central Asia, the main method at the hands of Beijing statesmen is the application of soft power, the author maintains.

Abstract China and the Central Asian countries had significant historical ties with each other. After the end of the Cold War, however, these relations boosted up dramatically in various fields. In a realistic approach, this article bases on an assumption that security is the most basic factor in relations between China and the other Central Asian countries and China's other objectives in the region are shadowed by this issue. Accordingly, this article attempts to analyze the factors such as the role of border security and terrorism in the relations between China and the Central Asian states and to explore Beijing's strategies to overcome challenges to regional security and developing security interactions with neighboring countries.