‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Azerbaijan, by relying on the rich oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea and projects such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor, has been able to solidify its position as a key player in ensuring Europe's energy security. This policy not only has a foreign dimension but also acts as a tool for internal legitimization. Despite pressures from Russia and Turkey, as well as the developments related to the war in Ukraine, Baku has managed to create a pragmatic balance among the interests of various actors. The main question of the article is: how have energy resources (oil and gas) served as a strategic tool in securing and advancing the macro objectives of the Republic of Azerbaijan in its interaction with the European Union? The research hypothesis is that by adopting a realist approach and utilizing energy as both a lever of pressure and a tool for engagement, Azerbaijan has been able to both elevate its position within the Eurasian and European energy order and use it as an instrument to strengthen internal legitimacy. This article employs the theoretical framework of realism, a qualitative analysis research method, and utilizes secondary sources including scientific articles, reports from research centers, and statistical data up to the year 2025.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union not only reshaped the borders of the Caucasus region but also marked a turning point in the political and social transformations of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Among those affected were non-Azeri Iranian ethnic groups, particularly the Talysh people. This study aims to examine the post-Soviet conditions of these two ethnic groups by exploring their identity, political, and social dimensions. Given the lack of research on the cultural and social agency of these communities, this investigation is deemed necessary. Focusing on understudied ethnic groups can offer deeper insights into identity-based roles in regional developments and the cultural balance of the South Caucasus. Using concepts from contemporary political sociology and a multilayered theoretical framework—including cultural hegemony, identity politics, and the geopolitics of ethnicity—this research analyzes mechanisms of cultural resistance and the growth of identity awareness among these groups. Employing a qualitative approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, the study seeks to answer how the cultural, social, and historical capacities of the Talysh people can be interpreted within the proposed theoretical framework, and how these communities have responded to identity-erasing policies. The hypothesis suggests that due to state-driven homogenization and the absence of independent civil institutions, the Talysh possess limited capacity for political agency. Nevertheless, signs of cultural resistance and the strengthening of intra-group identity awareness are observable.

Abstract Following the outbreak of renewed conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh in late 2020, a trilateral agreement mediated by Russia was signed. This led to the withdrawal of Armenian forces and civilians from around 35% of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, putting approximately 70% of the area under Baku and its allies' control. This paper examines the geopolitical dimensions of the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict and explores the prospects for resolving it given the geopolitical changes after the 45-day war in 2020 between Baku and Yerevan. The key research question is: What impact have the geopolitical changes following the 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia war had on resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict? Using a descriptive-analytical approach and geopolitical framework, the hypothesis was tested that the geopolitical changes have complicated the conflict while strengthening Baku's position. The findings confirm the hypothesis, suggesting the geopolitical complexities make a peaceful solution more difficult while increasing the likelihood of further military action by Azerbaijan.

Abstract In the Caucasus disputes, some regional powers such as Turkey seek to play a role in the equations of this region. In line with the balance of power with Iran in the Caucasus region, Turkey is trying to seriously pursue its presence in support of Baku, which can impact the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to investigate the role of Turkey in the security of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the research question can be expressed as what role Turkey played in the security of the relations between Iran and Azerbaijan? In response to the research question, using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen school, a hypothesis is proposed as follows: Turkey, by using pan-Turkic policies, military cooperation, arms support, and intelligence support from the Republic of Azerbaijan and facilitating the presence of Takfiri forces in the region, the security of relations between Iran and Azerbaijan has played a role. The research findings show that Turkey's most important goal in the Caucasus is long-term political, economic, and security presence and influence, which it pursues with the cooperation of Azerbaijan. In addition to the linguistic, ethnic, and cultural links between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Türkiye, a combination of various political, defense, and economic factors has also been affected.

Abstract The Republic of Azerbaijan is an important country in the South Caucasus which due to enjoying a geopolitical position in the energy sector, especially after the Soviet collapse, has been a battlefield for rivalries among big regional and trans-regional powers. This rivalry has been current in the areas of soft and hard power. Iran and Turkey are among the countries which due to their civilizational and cultural history as well as regional rivalry are present on the political and economic stage of Azerbaijan. Soft power has been a source for rivalry between these two countries in Azerbaijan. Accordingly, this research seeks to answer the question on what elements and coordinates Iran and Turkey soft power rely? The research findings show that both countries emphasize the lingual and religious elements in relation to this republic, and at the same time, the governing difference between Iran and Turkey and their foreign policy orientations have been impacting Azerbaijan’s soft power. Based on the results of the research, Turkey taps into the religious, lingual, ethnic and secular governance elements to further its soft power in Azerbaijan, and Iran’s soft power elements in the Republic of Azerbaijan include cultural-religious elements and a mediating approach in Azerbaijan’s disputes , like in the Karabach crisis. The research method is descriptive-analytical method.                                                        

Abstract According to Russia's membership in the “UN Security Council”, nuclear power, proximity and involvement in a wide arena of the world’s geography (Japan, China, Central Asia, the Middle East, the Black Sea, East Europe to the Baltic region), as well as the possibility of military support and reinforcement of different groups and governments; the influence of Russia’s remoteness and proximity in various parts of the world, especially in the “South Caucasus”, is still undeniable. A series of security and strategic interests (in relation to Armenia and Georgia), as well as economic interests (mainly relevant to Azerbaijan) have made “South Caucasus” important for Russia; thus, in expanding the relations, “Eurasia region” has been the priority of the country in all foreign policy documents until 2016. The main objective of this article is, to respond to this question: How Russia has turned into a security activist in the “South Caucasus”? The hypothesis, which is raised in response to this main question, is as follows: A series of strategic, security, military, economic and energy resources have turned Russia into a security activist in the South Caucasus. In this article, it is tried to answer to the main question through studying Russia’s foreign policy documents and then different approaches of the country; as well as studying its interests in various fields by a descriptive – explanatory method.

Abstract The technological revolution in the end of 1980’s led to the major breakthroughs in the fields of IT and media. Digital mass media, as the results of the above mentioned revolution, provided non-governmental and civil actors with new playgrounds for activity in the field of political and diplomatic relations. Emerging of social networks, blogging and video sharing capabilities through cyberspace, gave the American policy makers new opportunity to achieve their goals in foreign policy and diplomacy. By the Obama’s presidency and his emphasize on the American soft power, led the notice of American policy makers towards the potential capacities of the mentioned means for restoration of U.S image throughout the world and also supporting America’s allies around the world. Azerbaijan Republic thanks to its hydrocarbon energy resources on one hand has a special place in the Eurasian policy of America. Young population of Azerbaijan Republic which is interested in social networks is playing a key role in American cyber diplomacy on the other hand. According to what was said above, the authors of this article will try to answer this essential question: what are the main directions of American cyber diplomacy and how are they coordinated for Azerbaijan Republic?