‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Following the collapse of USSR, an increase of western influence in geopolitical and security areas in Russia, has been one of the effective factors in the interaction between Moscow and western countries especially the United States. Some impetuses such as enlargement of the European Union, and NATO, democracy promotion in post-soviet atmosphere and the Eastern Partnership have been effective on the formation of disagreement – cooperation paradox between west and Europe. West’s last attempt for increasing influence in post – soviet atmosphere, was Ukraine’s crisis and Crimea’s accession to Russia. This crisis highlighted the point of contrast between Russia and the west. The present literature addresses the following question: Which model has Russia taken for interacting with international system, especially west, since 2014? The authors argue that since 2014, Russia has chosen the balance of power strategy as a behavioral model to confront international system and the west. Russia’s most important features of balance of power are countering with the United States’ unilateralism; accepting US and China as main actors; hard and soft balance; as well as regionalism. Using explanatory – analytical research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research questions.

Abstract After World War II, Japan came under the security umbrella of the United States. Due to dominating military logic over the cold war, Japan played a small role in this era and was inactive in the case of international affairs. However, the collapse of bipolar system paved the way for Japan to implement more independent foreign policy. At this time, Central Asia was involved in post-cold war evolutions so that five independent republics were established in the region. The coincidence of these two evolutions raises the question in mind that what have been the aspects and plans of Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia. Japan’s regional policy in Central Asia has features rooted in Yoshida’s Doctrine. During the cold war era, Japan was a strategic and inactive country, but in the post-cold war era, it transformed into a flexible government in terms of the international arena. The interpretation of this flexibility in Central Asia can be justified by less activity in political and military plans and greater emphasis on economic aspects. In general, Japan’s foreign policy in Central Asia has both political and economic aspects, but within Japan’s plan, the economic aspect has got the higher priority. The essence of Japan’s plans in Central Asia sends out a message to its neighbor that Tokyo does not intend to compete for geopolitics in the region and attempts to act based on the common economic interests. In this paper, Japan’s regional policy has been investigated based on hegemonic theory.

Abstract Islamic Republic of Iran and Russian Federation enjoy unique position in international system and they have potencies hegemony in peripheral environment. Hence, the U.S values political relations between Iran and Russia highly important. The U.S constantly has suspected the Iran_Russia relations and attempted to undermine it. This article explains international aspect of Iran and Russia relations and will probe the U.S influence on integration and divergence between Iran and Russia.

Abstract With the collapse of the former Soviet Union and dissolution of Warsaw pact, the idea of NATO expansion to the East became an important international issue and posed a major concern for some countries such as Iran, Russia and even China. On the threshold of 21 century, NATO with redefinition, restructuring and determining  new international role and it's new strategies and missions related to the international system, found out it's interest in expansion towards East. Eastern Europe and South Caucuses countries welcomed the NATO's expansion in order to get their security and stabilization guaranteed and their membership to NATO became the main priority. Among the South Caucuses countries, Georgia is more interested toward NATO comparing to other countries in the region and in this connection it has taken more practical steps. As a matter of fact, Georgia expected to be invited in NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2008 to be granted full membership, but it didn’t take place. The present article studies and considers Georgia's accession to NATO and it's consequences for other regional actors such as Iran and Russia.