‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Azerbaijan, by relying on the rich oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea and projects such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor, has been able to solidify its position as a key player in ensuring Europe's energy security. This policy not only has a foreign dimension but also acts as a tool for internal legitimization. Despite pressures from Russia and Turkey, as well as the developments related to the war in Ukraine, Baku has managed to create a pragmatic balance among the interests of various actors. The main question of the article is: how have energy resources (oil and gas) served as a strategic tool in securing and advancing the macro objectives of the Republic of Azerbaijan in its interaction with the European Union? The research hypothesis is that by adopting a realist approach and utilizing energy as both a lever of pressure and a tool for engagement, Azerbaijan has been able to both elevate its position within the Eurasian and European energy order and use it as an instrument to strengthen internal legitimacy. This article employs the theoretical framework of realism, a qualitative analysis research method, and utilizes secondary sources including scientific articles, reports from research centers, and statistical data up to the year 2025.

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the longest international crises officially started on February 20, 1988. As an important and influential actor in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced the crisis caused by the occupation of lands by Armenia after gaining independence. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict later turned into an international crisis due to the intervention of some foreign powers. It is believed that Turkey's support for the Republic of Azerbaijan is an attempt to expand its sphere of influence both by increasing Baku's position in the conflict and by marginalizing the influence of Iran and Russia in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran's concern about insecurity spilling over into its northwestern borders while opposing foreign intervention in this crisis, it wants to resolve the conflict emphasizing diplomacy and direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The main question of the research is, what strategy do Iran and Turkeye follow regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? The research hypothesizes that Turkeye is trying to fundamentally change the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh in Baku's favor by developing comprehensive relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and securing its regional goals and policies. On the other hand, while opposing any change in its northern borders, Iran has adopted a policy of neutrality towards Karabagh. However, the significant change in the military balance in favor of the Republic of Azerbaijan following the 2020 war has led Tehran to withdraw from its traditional policy of neutrality and openly support the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The qualitative analysis method was used to analyze the data of this research.

Abstract Today, China has become the largest foreign player in its sensitive periphery, Central Asia. Beijing leaders, especially since the beginning of the new century, have tried to gradually increase their presence and influence in this region compared to other competitors such as Russia and the United States by announcing numerous economic, security, and political initiatives and programs. This increase in presence has been done in a gradual and multi-faceted manner according to the usual Chinese tradition, and therefore a direct link can be established between the foreign aid program of this country to the region and the development of its presence and influence. In this regard, the main question of the article, using the descriptive and explanatory method, is how China has benefited from foreign aid in the years 2000 to 2022 to advance its national interests in Central Asia. In response to this hypothesis, it is proposed that the Chinese government uses its foreign aid program in this region to advance economic goals (linking the economies of the countries in the region with their economic and commercial needs), security goals (shaping their desired security order and fighting Uighurs separatism) and political goals (expanding its influence and position in the countries of the region). The findings of the article emphasize the explanatory role of foreign aid in explaining China's policies and goals in the peripheral area of Central Asia, which has received little attention from experts.

Abstract The inherent revolutionary optimism, along with the idealistic enthusiasm resulting from the creation of new revolutionary structures, brings global dreams and perspectives to the revolutionaries and is introduced in all the actions and thoughts of the revolutionary leaders as the main goal of every revolution. On the other hand, there are necessities and limitations besides the mission defined in the process of issuing the revolution, which play a very important role in building a new revolutionary identity. Examining elements such as geography and geopolitical limitations, international pressures, public interests, structural necessities, ethnic and national issues, and their role, and examining the dimensions of this influence and effectiveness is one of the goals of this research. The author tries to use the theory of constructivism to address the most important influencing factors in the Russian revolution, focusing on the export of the revolution, and to explain how the identity components influence and play a role in the export strategy of the Russian October Revolution. In this research, we want to investigate the process and why of this rotation in an interactive process between the revolutionary structure and the revolutionaries and the external components of the identity sector. It seems that the Russian Revolution has been watching it slowly conquering its ideals and its heart with internal and external realities, and its only action has been a reluctant alignment of this interaction in favor of hard external components.

Abstract Russia's massive invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the severe financial sanctions imposed against Moscow have not only had an economic impact on Russia; but, the consequence of this crisis has also affected the international economy, including America and Europe’s markets. The inflation caused by the Ukraine crisis, which has currently disrupted most of the world's economies, including the United States and Europe, is constantly increasing due to the sharp increase in the prices of oil, gas, industrial and agricultural products. This article tries to examine the economic impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022 on the key players of the global economy, especially the United States and Europe, which have imposed severe financial sanctions against Russia. Therefore, the main question of this research is: What effect will the Russia – Ukraine war have on the international economy, especially for the U.S. and Europe?
The hypothesis of the research is that given the fact that the conflict in Ukraine has the political and military dimensions, the leaders of these countries have prioritized the political issues over the economic issues in their decision making process to address this crisis. This has caused the economy to be affected again by high politics issues and faced stagnation and increase in global prices which once was considered as a low politics during the Cold War and then, it became more relevant in the decision-making process of governments after the Cold War.
This paper has applied the descriptive-analytical method to analyze the data.