‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Critical minerals have become a central concern of supply security, yet in landlocked Central Asia the geoeconomic value of mineral resources depends not only on extraction and processing but also on the ability to move output through reliable, substitutable, and financeable corridors. This article explains how competition over critical minerals extends into corridor competition and assesses the conditions under which Iran can convert locational advantage into operational centrality. It develops an analytical framework linking geoeconomic instruments, networked interdependence, regional agency, corridor performance, transaction risk, and traceability, and distinguishes four stages: asset, capacity, capability, and realized flow. Empirically, the study combines structured documentary comparison, multi-source secondary data, process tracing, and an embedded case study of Chabahar over 2021–2026. The findings show that mineral competition does not create corridor rivalry from zero; rather, it raises the strategic value of routes able to attract and retain flows under acceptable levels of cost, time, reliability, legal-financial risk, and informational traceability. Central Asian agency also depends on usable, not merely announced, alternatives. Iran possesses a genuine southern option, but available evidence does not support claims of established centrality. Its position is better understood as conditional centrality: geography and infrastructure create entry potential, while sustained mineral flows require measurable improvements in border performance, transaction conditions, multimodal connectivity, and end-to-end traceability.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and India differ significantly in their foreign policy orientations. While India, despite certain ups and downs, has largely aligned itself with the Western-led global order, Iran has consistently maintained a confrontational stance toward it. Despite these profound differences, the two countries have converged on certain geoeconomic issues—particularly in the South Caucasus and the development of the North-South Corridor—based on their respective national interests. This study seeks to answer the central question: What factors have contributed to the emergence of joint strategic approaches between Iran and India in the South Caucasus, and specifically regarding the development of the North-South Corridor? The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s unique geopolitical and geoeconomic characteristics—and their value to India—alongside the significant mutual benefits derived from this project, have facilitated bilateral cooperation in this shared endeavor. The findings indicate that although the project has achieved relative progress due to its shared advantages, the sustained pursuit of joint strategies in this domain remains contingent upon broader variables at the international system level as well as regional dynamics. Methodologically, this research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and is grounded in the theory of geoeconomics, relying on library-based sources, including academic articles, and specialized news platforms.

Abstract The North-South Corridor is an economic-political plan designed to facilitate transportation and, consequently, increase global trade exchanges. This plan, which is considered a strategic and important project for the countries along this corridor—namely Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, and India, as well as the surrounding countries—can play a significant role in enabling these nations to benefit from its positive effects. Due to various geopolitical and geoeconomic reasons, Iran has become the focal point of this important and strategic project. This research aims to examine the role of the North-South Corridor in the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, utilizing the theoretical framework of neoliberalism and drawing on library and internet resources, employing a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, it seeks to answer the question of how the North-South Corridor can influence Iran's political economy. In response, the hypothesis is examined that the North-South Corridor can impact the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by reducing transportation time and costs, increasing trade exchanges, enhancing geopolitical positioning, decreasing dependence on the West, and ultimately strengthening regional cooperation. The findings of the research confirm the research hypothesis and also indicate that the implementation of the mentioned plan will be important for facilitating and accelerating the process of de-dollarization and neutralizing Western sanctions.

Abstract The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Abstract Trasica Corridor is one of the most important corridors connecting East Asia to Europe. This article seeks to investigate the effect of Iran's geo-economic position on the use of the Thracian rail corridor for the convergence of Iran with four Central Asian countries. In this study, the convergence of Iran with these four Central Asian countries Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan for the years 2015 to 2020 has been investigated. The results of Grobel and Lloyd index of Iran's trade with Kazakhstan (0.565) showed that Iran has the most intra-industry trade with Kazakhstan. After that was the country of Uzbekistan, whose index of industrial trade with Iran was obtained (0.343). The results of Grobel and Lloyd's index for the two countries of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan (0.067 and 0.062) indicate that these two mentioned countries had the least intra-industry trade with Iran. The above findings clearly show that Iran's economy can make good use of the Trasica Corridor rail route for the transfer of goods and economic integration with Central Asian countries. In order to encourage businessmen to make more use of the Trasica rail corridor in order for Iran's economy to reach the markets of Central Asia, it is suggested that bilateral agreements be concluded with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan to reduce bilateral tariffs for businessmen of both sides, and a joint commission on Monitor the implementation of these obligations.

Abstract Following the emergence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an influential regional organization in the expanse of Eurasia in the early 21^st century, Tehran has aptly recognized this mechanism for spread of multilaterism, creation of a Eurasian order, and the connection of the country’s economy with the nonwestern capital and technology markets. On the other side, it has been for long that the Shanghai leaders have come to this conclusion that introducing new governments, both as permanent members and supervising members and participation in the talks, broadens not only the borders of the organization, but also helps alleviate criticisms concerning the limited scope of activities of the organization and increase its effectiveness. As a result, the founding members agreed to Iran full membership process at the 21^st session of the organization, after Iran’s 15 years of waiting. The present paper intends to answer the key question below: What does Tehran full member mean, among the current geopolitical changes in Eurasia? And what role can Tehran play in completing the organization in integrating Eurasia?  Based on the Constructivism Theory and Social Construct of regions, the findings of this research show, using the qualitative method and Inter-minded Horizon , that in a long term look , the Shanghai Organization  provides a significant mechanism for achieving some goals of foreign policy , especially for the “Look to East” policy of Tehran.  Full membership, also facilitates active participation of Tehran in shaping the security and economic status of the region. Tehran, in its turn , can play a major role in formulating and completing the Shanghai Organization, because Iran’s regional interests arise from the country’s goals in creating a Eurasian Society and preventing the region from becoming a hotbed of terrorism and extremism;  using the country’s geo-economic capacities for creating a bridge between Asia and Europe, as well as Iran’s position as a hub of trade and connecting roads in the region , is compliant with the Shanghai Organization’s goals.