‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Transboundary rivers—the Irtysh and the Ili—constitute vital sources of drinking water, irrigation, and energy production for Kazakhstan. Their upstream origins in China confer distinct hydropolitical and geopolitical significance. This study investigates Kazakhstan’s hydropolitical challenges and water security concerns in its interactions with China, analyzing the factors that undermine the sustainable management of shared water resources. The central research question is: “How do Kazakhstan’s dependence on China’s upstream water flows and the absence of a binding institutional framework affect the country’s water, economic, and environmental security?”The study’s hypothesis posits that: “The lack of a binding institutional mechanism, combined with China’s control over upstream water resources, intensifies hydropolitical tensions and threatens Kazakhstan’s water, economic, and environmental security.” The findings indicate that China, through its geographical leverage, material capabilities, economic bargaining power, influence, has reduced water inflows to Kazakhstan and consolidated its hydropolitical hegemony. This dynamic heightens Kazakhstan’s vulnerability in water resource management, diminishes water security, and jeopardizes environmentally and economically sustainable development. It also discourages the raising of sensitive issues—such as limits on water extraction—to avoid jeopardizing China’s regional investments. The results further underscore that establishing institutional mechanisms, strengthening transboundary water diplomacy, and adopting multidimensional approaches to water resource management can mitigate the risks posed by upstream hegemony and enhance Kazakhstan’s security and sustainable development.

Abstract Following the October Revolution of 1917, the process of identity formation in the Soviet Union was profoundly shaped by Bolshevik socialist ideology. A central aspect of this ideology was the redefinition of the “woman question” and the deliberate construction of the so-called “New Soviet Woman,” envisioned as an individual capable of actively participating in family, political, and economic spheres. In this regard, institutions such as the Zhenotdel, operating under the banner of gender equality, endeavored to incorporate women as an essential and influential component of both the Party and state apparatus, providing them with educational, social, political, and professional opportunities. The Bolshevik project, through the creation of the myth of the “New Socialist Woman,” produced a novel gender identity that stood in explicit contrast to contemporary European models.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, however, precipitated profound structural and ideological transformations in Kazakhstan. The engagement of international organizations and NGOs, while ostensibly aimed at promoting gender equality, often served to consolidate market-oriented economic policies and reinforce Kazakh nationalist agendas, rather than substantially improving women’s social conditions. Consequently, many of the achievements attained by women during the Soviet period were eroded, and their social standing gradually declined. Although Soviet nation-building had played a critical role in the creation of a new female identity, post-Soviet nationalism and neoliberal reforms significantly hindered the persistence of these gains and exposed women to new socio-political challenges.

Abstract Iran neighbors four other coastal countries in the Caspian Sea, among which two countries, Russia and Kazakhstan, are among the largest grain and wheat exporters in the world. Iran also has technology and skills in grain processing and food production, which is always semi-active. The main question is, what is the benefit of the grain corridor in the Caspian Sea for Iran, and how can Tehran provide the basis for its establishment and development?
In this research, two theories of "comparative advantage" and "local comparative advantage" are used, based on which Iran has opportunities like advanced technology for grain processing, legal frameworks such as the Eurasian Economic Union agreement, and an accessible and shorter geographical route like INSTC.
Based on the findings of the research, some mistakes regarding the issue of food security and preventing the import of grains have made Iran unable to become an exporter of processed grains in the world. To answer this challenge, the model of Turkey as one of the largest grain exporters in the world has been compared. The results show that Iran can produce the grain it needs internally and process and import more than its domestic production from Russia and Kazakhstan, then by adding value, export it to other countries.
This is the method that Turkey uses and benefits from its income every year. As a result, according to these factors and Iran's potential to transfer these goods, the Caspian Sea can become an international corridor in the field of grains, creating a type of value chain between the three coastal countries.

Abstract One of the waters that cross international borders is the Ili River, which originates from the Tian-Shan Mountains in Xinjiang and flows into Balkhash Lake in eastern Kazakhstan. Ili, a transboundary river, provides about 70 percent of the water input to Lake Balkhash in Kazakhstan. Currently, there are growing concerns about the future of this lake. However, very few studies have been done in this field. Following such a research gap, this article uses a descriptive-analytic research method to answer this question: "What environmental and geopolitical threats does Lake Balkhash face?". The research findings show that climate change, competition over water extraction, Kazakhstan's economic plans and water policies, the lack of a joint comprehensive agreement, and China's development plans in the form of the Belt and Road Initiative have had destructive physical effects on Lake Balkhash and asymmetry relations between Kazakhstan and China has also hindered successful negotiations in this field.

Abstract Following the arrest of women and children by the Syrian Democratic Forces who had joined the ISIS terrorist group, the return of these people to their countries of origin was deemed an important issue in the fight against terrorism. While most European countries refused to accept them, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan began to repatriate them. The current study seeks to address the question “How has the rehabilitation of ISIS women and children in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan affected these people`s identities?” The hypothesis has been studied utilizing the Actor-network theory. This hypothesis has been tested: it has made it feasible to reinvent the identity of these individuals by placing women and children back from ISIS in a network of new social links. According to the findings of the study, the rehabilitation of these people in a network of social relations, as well as the use of the capacities of rehabilitation centers, schools, family, and neighborhood as translation mediators, has caused these individuals to reflect on their identity, rethink their social identity, and, as a result, successfully integrate in the society. Research results show that the rehabilitation of these people in the network of social relationships and the use of the capacity of rehabilitation centers, schools, families and neighborhoods as translation intermediaries has made women ISIS female and child returnees reflect on their identities and identities. Thereby rethinking their social identity and in a process of successful integration. In these countries, homeland adaptation and recovery activities as well as basic measures have been implemented individually with special emphasis on spiritual, psychological, ideological and family support, with government support in cases such as restoration of civil status, periodic financial support, and fight against social exclusion and the psychological distress that accompanies training for new professions such as translation, accounting and tailoring.

Abstract The crisis can destroy both the lives of people and the legitimacy of governments that provide security and prosperity; challenged and cost a lot. Natural crises that occur all over the world; In some regions, such as Central Asia, it is more extensive and numerous.  Using the experiences of other countries has a significant effect in reducing its destructive effects. For this purpose, this research aims to identify the crisis management and benefit from the common learnings of the three countries of Iran, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan, and has done a comparative study and intends to answer the question of what are the differences and similarities in the type, history, structure and laws of crisis management in Do these countries exist? The study method is qualitative and the data collected from the crisis management documents of the selected countries have been analyzed using Max QDA software. The findings show that these countries, while having relative similarities in the type of crisis, although they differ slightly in terms of history and management structure; However, a comparative study of prevention, preparedness and facing crisis laws shows the difference in legislation, which has also led to different results in practice.

Abstract Economy has been an inseparable part of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kazakhstan Republic’s relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Trade relations between the countries have had an impressive growth and a substantial number of legal documents have been signed in order to facilitate trade relations between two countries. However after 2000 rise and fallhas been witnessed in the bilateral trades due to political economy. Against this background both countries made some attempts to stabilize their relations through political and economic mechanisms.             The authors try to find an answer for the following question: Which model of political economy has been used by Iran and Kazakhstan to stabilize the economic relations since 2010 to 2020? They argue that Iran and Kazakhstan have usedmultilateral trends of political integration with the pivotal role of geo-economic objectives. Therefore the two countries have cooperated in different multilateral frameworks including economic unions, common legal platforms and international transit projects. One of the achievements has been paving the ground for Iran’s partnership in Eurasian Integration.

Abstract            Israel’s doctrine of periphery alliance has always functioned as a means to higher security, development of economic relations, and also counteracting the isolation of its government in the region. By finding the regional condition as not satisfactory, Israel has attempted to compensate for its isolation through relations with peripheral governments. Within several decades this doctrine has preserved its form; however, following the middle east transformation in 2011, the periphery doctrine has gained a new content and form ever since and Israel tries to add new regions and countries to its classic agenda. A region that has an outstanding role in the new alliance is Central Asia and the Caucasus. Among Central Asian countries, Kazakhstan is very important for Israel due to its significant political and economic role in the region. The purpose of this research is to analyze the nature and mechanism of Israel’s new doctrine of periphery alliances and its aims in the region after 2011 transformations. This study intends to answer the question that what are the main reasons and motivations of Israel in getting involved in Central Asia and strengthening relationships with countries such as Kazakhstan? The findings indicate that in the new doctrine of periphery alliances, Israel looks beyond the reach of Middle East and in this status, regions and countries that could drag Israel out of the regional political and economic isolation are undeniably important. Central Asia, with its strategic and geopolitical significance and also its economic potentials, can offer what Israel needs.