‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020 and its impact on Other regional and international actors showed the geopolitical importance of this region and the effects of these crises on Iran, therefore, the present research is aimed at answering this question: What threats will the Zangez-Zor Corridor construction program have against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? And in this regard, using the theory of regional security, the hypothesis has been proposed that the creation of Zangezzor Corridor in the territory of Armenia, based on the plans announced by the Republic of Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, can change the regional balance of power to the detriment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Therefore, the advancement of this project is considered a security threat against the geopolitical and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most important of which are: the possibility of changing the geopolitical borders by blocking the land border between Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing national sovereignty and territorial integrity by advancing the Pan-Turkic plan and reviving Azari ethnocentrism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of the country. Also, descriptive analytical method has been used in this research and library information collection method has been used.

Abstract Abstract: The " Belt and Road" initiative, designed and implemented in 2013 as one of the largest economic projects, was proposed with the aim of strengthening China's position as a global power in the economic, trade, and political spheres. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is known as one of the key nodes of this plan due to its strategic location in the North-South and East-West transportation corridors, as well as its rich energy resources. The purpose of this research is to examine the opportunities and challenges of the " Belt and Road" initiative for Iran's political economy. The results indicate that this initiative can strengthen Iran's geopolitical position in the region, while developing key Iranian infrastructure, including transportation and energy, attracting foreign direct investment, and strengthening economic relations with countries along the path of the plan. But on the other hand, greater economic and political dependence on China, increased imports of Chinese goods, lack of transparency in investments, and problems resulting from international sanctions are among the challenges that Iran will face in dealing with this plan.

Abstract The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.

Abstract Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states on the shores of the Caspian Sea, the lake has become one of the most complex and important geopolitical and geoeconomic arenas in the world in the 21st century. This landlocked body of water is no longer known solely for its vast energy reserves; it now functions as a “geoeconomic axis” at the heart of a major competition for control of the trade arteries of Eurasia. This research seeks to demonstrate that the contemporary importance of the Caspian is defined by its role as a field of competition and cooperation for transit corridors, a silent battle in which railways, modern ports, and highways are the main weapons of regional and transregional actors to redraw the map of power, influence, and global trade. This research uses the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism and analyzes and examines the hypothesis using a descriptive method and the author's field experiences.

Abstract China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) presents a novel and distinct paradigm from the post-World War II Atlanticist strategy, emphasizing sustainable development, economic connectivity, and multilateral cooperation, positioning itself as an alternative to security-centered approaches within Eurasia’s geopolitical order. This article examines the question of what goals, functions, and implications the integration of the BRI with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU)—as two major non-Western regional integration projects led by China and Russia—entails for emerging Eurasian regionalism. A comparative analysis of these two initiatives reveals that although each has its own institutional logic and strategic framework, their convergence can provide an effective platform to enhance economic, security, and institutional cooperation in Eurasia and serve as a foundation for the transition towards a multipolar global order. The findings indicate that this integration not only strengthens economic and infrastructural convergence but also encompasses elements for redefining the international order, countering Western unilateralism, and shaping an economic security architecture across Greater Eurasia. Utilizing a historical-comparative methodology and relying on library and online data sources, this article seeks to elucidate the logic behind the integration of these two initiatives and how it influences the emerging economic-political structures in Eurasia, as well as the mechanisms for consolidating a multipolar global order. The study primarily focuses on analyzing the objectives, prospects, and prerequisites of multilateral relations between China and the member states of the EAEU.

Abstract The Ukraine crisis is one of the most prominent geopolitical developments in 21 century. It began with expansive attacks by Russia’s troops in Ukraine. This crisis led to a policy divide between Russia and west. This crisis also creates a new context for the boundaries of the new global order. In common situation, the position of China as the strategic ally of Russia is so prominent in order to end the war. This study investigates to answer this question: How China reacted to Russia-Ukraine war? The hypothesis of this study indicates that China has multifaceted approach according to a policy of ambiguity and duality about this war. This policy leads to maintaining and deepening the relationship with Russia and creating a balance against the West. Examining China’s approach about the Ukraine crisis is done in defensive realism theory. This study employs an analytical-explanatory framework. Further more the data collection method is qualitative, based on library sources and online resources. Then collected sources are analyzed by using the content analysis method. The findings of this study indicate that China uses the Ukraine crisis as the opportunity for challenging with the United States in Asia-Pacific and weakening the Western alliance. China also expanded its strategic partnership with Russia in the economic, energy, technology and security fields.

Abstract A healthy environment is one of the fundamental pillars of sustainable development, but rapid population growth, industrialization, and excessive exploitation of natural resources, especially water resources, have jeopardized the fragile ecological balance in many regions of the world. As an arid and semi-arid region, Central Asia faced serious environmental problems during its economic reconstruction after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including the drying up of the Aral Sea, increasing industrial pollution, and political tensions resulting from the uncoordinated management of shared water resources. This research aims to examine the environmental situation and sustainable development challenges in Central Asian countries since independence. It attempts to analyze the trend of environmental crises and reveal the necessity of regional cooperation and joint resource management. The central question of the research is how the environmental situation of Central Asia can be explained, given the scarcity of water and the shared exploitation of water resources. The research hypothesis is that the uncoordinated use of natural resources, especially the water resources of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins, has been one of the main factors in the emergence of environmental crises and a fundamental obstacle to achieving sustainable development. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is structured within the framework of Thomas Springs' four-stage methodology. The findings show that water resource scarcity, industrial pollution, soil erosion, and climate change threaten the environmental sustainability of region, and only through international cooperation and joint institution-building can the path to sustainable development in Central Asia be strengthened.

Abstract In today's world, economic sanctions are one of the main foreign policy tools of Western countries to exert pressure on target countries in order to change their political and economic behavior. In addition to having direct effects on the economy and domestic politics of the countries under sanctions, these sanctions cause changes in international relations and strengthen regional cooperation. The main question of this article is to what extent have Western sanctions played a role in strengthening the position of BRICS and the Eurasian Economic Union between 2012 and 2024? The main hypothesis of the article is that these sanctions have led to changes in the trade and economic patterns of these organizations and have accelerated economic processes independent of the West. In this study, using a comparative analysis method based on documentary sources and historical data, the development and strengthening process of these organizations in the face of Western sanctions has been examined. The results show that Western sanctions, especially after political and economic crises in the member states of these organizations, have acted as a factor in increasing economic, trade, and political cooperation among BRICS and Eurasian Economic Union members. Ultimately, this study concludes that Western sanctions can play a positive role in strengthening non-Western organizations, but there are several challenges in the field of internal integration and resource management that require further attention.

Abstract مقارن بافروپاشی اتحادجماهیرشوروی وظهورحاکمیت های‌مستقل درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی، فضای تعامل وهمکاری نیز دراین منطقه به شکل بی سابقه ای استحاله یافت. درچنین متنی کشورترکیه توانست خود را به عنوان یکی ازبازیگران ذی نفع منطقه مطرح نمایدو پس از گذشت بیش ازسه دهه حضور مصرانه دستاوردهای مطلوبی را بدست آورد. لذاعطف‌به اقتضائات-پژوهشی وجستارگشایی برای حصول داده های پسینی ازسیاست منطقه ای ترکیه در آسیای مرکزی هدف از تنظیم نوشتارحاضربررسی این‌مبحث باتمتع ازنظریه سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل است. این تحقیق با استفاده ازروش توصیفی-تحلیلی وبابهره‌گیری ازمنابع کتابخانه ای به انجام رسیده است وبدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل چه-جایگاهی درپیشبردسیاست منطقه ای وموقعیت مطلوب ترکیه درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی داشته‌است؟ درجواب به پرسش‌حاضر فرضیه این است که ترکیه با به کارگیری مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی بین‌الملل:(سرمایه اجتماعی شناختی، سرمایه اجتماعی-رابطه ای وشبکه ای)توانسته ازاین مجرا به گسترش نفوذ ومناسبات خودبااین منطقه بپردازد، یافته ها ونتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که ترکیه ضمن تاکیدبرقرابت های هنجاری وساخت اعتماد، ارتباطات شبکه ای گسترده ای درپیش گرفته وبعنوان بازیگرشبکه پردازمطرح منطقه نیزشناخته می‌شود.

Abstract This study explores the cultural exchanges between Iran and Anatolia through ceramics from the 2nd to the 8th century AH. During this period, under the influence of empires such as the Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ilkhanid, the transmission of knowledge and artistic styles in pottery between the two regions became widespread.

The aim of the research is to identify the shared ceramic styles of Iran and Anatolia during the 2nd to 7th centuries AH in order to understand the evidence of mutual cultural and artistic influences.

The research questions are as follows:

Which types of ceramics were produced in both Iran and Anatolia?

What role did trade routes and the migration of artists and craftsmen play in the transfer of ceramic technologies and in shaping the styles of Iranian and Anatolian pottery?

This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the data has been collected through library and digital sources.

The findings indicate that ceramic types such as Champleve,, Agh Kand, Lusterware, Mina’i ware, Lajvardina, and turquoise-and-black-painted wares were produced in both regions, yet they exhibit local stylistic differences. Trade routes—particularly the Silk Road and maritime routes—played a crucial role in the transmission of ceramic technologies and in influencing stylistic developments. In addition, the migration of artists and craftsmen, military invasions, and religious and spiritual beliefs significantly contributed to the cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia.

Abstract China's "One Belt, One Road" Initiative and Iran's Political Economy (2013-2021)

Abstract: The "One Belt, One Road" initiative, designed and implemented in 2013 as one of the largest economic projects, was proposed with the aim of strengthening China's position as a global power in the economic, trade, and political spheres. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is known as one of the key nodes of this plan due to its strategic location in the North-South and East-West transportation corridors, as well as its rich energy resources. The purpose of this research is to examine the opportunities and challenges of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative for Iran's political economy. The results indicate that this initiative can strengthen Iran's geopolitical position in the region, while developing key Iranian infrastructure, including transportation and energy, attracting foreign direct investment, and strengthening economic relations with countries along the path of the plan. But on the other hand, greater economic and political dependence on China, increased imports of Chinese goods, lack of transparency in investments, and problems resulting from international sanctions are among the challenges that Iran will face in dealing with this plan.

Abstract The Identity Factor in China's Foreign Policy: A Comparative Assessment of the Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping Eras National identity is one of the fundamental factors shaping states’ foreign policy, with China serving as a prominent example of its profound influence on foreign policy decision-making. The main objective of this study is to conduct a comparative analysis of the impact of components of national identity and identity-shaping discourses on China’s foreign policy during the leadership periods of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping. The central research question explores how national identity and prevailing identity discourses have influenced the direction and orientation of China’s foreign policy across these two eras. The research hypothesis posits that while the core principles of China’s foreign policy have exhibited considerable continuity, shifts in identity discourses and perceptions of China’s global position have resulted in notable changes in foreign policy priorities and approaches. The findings demonstrate that the Hu Jintao era was marked by a cautious and pragmatic approach, emphasizing economic development, multilateralism, and international cooperation. In contrast, Xi Jinping’s leadership has been characterized by a stronger emphasis on national identity, the integrated use of hard and soft power, and the pursuit of a more assertive and strategically proactive global role for China. Overall, evolving perceptions of China’s position in the international order and the growing focus on national power have been the primary drivers behind the transformation of the country’s foreign policy.

Abstract The present study examines the geopolitical challenges of exploiting oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea between Iran and Turkmenistan. The primary research question is what factors underlie the energy differences between the two countries and whether these differences are solely due to legal issues or are also influenced by national interests and pressure from transregional actors. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that existing geopolitical challenges are the result of a complex interaction among the legal structure, conflicting national interests, and competition between regional and transregional actors. The research method combines analytical and qualitative approaches, utilizing document content analysis and a review of specialized books and articles. Data were collected from written sources, agreements, Caspian conventions, and scientific articles and were examined based on three levels of analysis (structural, national and regional, and transregional). The findings show that the Caspian’s legal ambiguities, the pressure of sanctions and internal Iranian restrictions, Turkmenistan’s export strategies, and the influence of Russia, China, and the United States have all contributed to the persistence and intensification of disputes. These results confirm the research hypothesis and indicate that sustainable management of Caspian energy resources requires a combined approach of joint agreements, active diplomacy, and strengthening domestic capacity.

Abstract In recent years, the position of the Russian language in the political, economic, and cultural spheres of Central Asia and the South Caucasus has faced emerging challenges. This study aims to analyze the role of Russian as an instrument of regional influence, focusing on post-Soviet language policies of selected states. Using a documentary analysis method and drawing on academic literature, institutional reports, and official data, the research explores the relationship between language, power, and regional organizations such as the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The findings indicate that while some states (e.g., Georgia and Turkmenistan) have pursued policies of linguistic disengagement, others (e.g., Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia) maintain Russian as a second official language. The novelty of this research lies in its integrative approach to analyzing the new linguistic competition with Turkish, Chinese, and English, while assessing Russian’s role in regional convergence through the lens of soft power.

Abstract In this article, while objectively describing what happened in the past few years, the issue of Afghanistan's importance for Iran, the level of connection and solidarity between the two countries, how the threats from Afghanistan are increasing for Iran and to stabilize What should be done about these links and curbing the increasing threats.
The main question of this article is what Iran should do to control the threats from Afghanistan and stabilize the cultural and economic conditions in the Afghanistan
The claim of this article is that Iran is heavily involved in the costs and consequences of Afghanistan's problems, and it has no choice but to deal with the roots of Afghanistan's problems, and Iran is the only one that can. Iran should bring Afghanistan's issues to peace on the condition of adopting appropriate policies and management and mobilizing capabilities.
This linkage between two countries is unique among Iran's relations with other countries and even less so in the relations between the other two countries. At the same time, the issue of Afghanistan has been neglected in Iran for a long time and the necessary attention is not given to it in decision-making centers, decision-making centers and even research and academic centers. Iran has no other choices rather than takes Afghanistan issue as its top priority and help to solve the roots the problem

Abstract The literature of international relations suggests that domestic political and social interactions play a significant role in shaping the foreign policies of states. Within this framework, the present study aims to design and explain a model of political and social interactions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan and to explore how these interactions influence Iran’s foreign policy. The main research question is: how do Iran’s internal dynamics impact its foreign policy towards Azerbaijan? To answer this question, a sequential exploratory mixed-methods approach was adopted. In the qualitative phase, grounded theory and in-depth interviews were used to identify the main components of the interaction model. Subsequently, a quantitative phase using structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) tested the relationships among variables. The findings indicate that elements such as national interests, social participation, diplomatic inefficiencies, media control, and balance-oriented strategies play a vital role in shaping Iran’s foreign policy. The quantitative results confirmed the validity and reliability of the model and emphasized the importance of internal factors in foreign policy formulation.

Abstract The entrepreneurial ecosystem, as a dynamic platform shaped by the interaction of cultural, social, financial, and institutional factors, plays a crucial role in the success or failure of entrepreneurs. In recent years, Georgia has become an attractive destination for Iranian entrepreneurs due to its economic reforms, geopolitical position, and trade relations with Iran. However, operating within a non-native entrepreneurial ecosystem presents multiple challenges. The present study aims to identify the challenges faced by Iranian entrepreneurs in Georgia’s entrepreneurial ecosystem based on Isenenberg’s model. This research is applied in purpose and descriptive–survey in nature, employing a qualitative approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with managers, entrepreneurs with international experience, traders, and members of the Iran–Georgia Joint Chamber of Commerce, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed seven major categories of challenges: financing, domestic and foreign policy issues, cultural differences, weak legal and institutional support, limitations in human capital, market barriers, and security risks. These results indicate that although Georgia’s ecosystem offers potential opportunities, it requires joint supportive policies and medium- to long-term programs to facilitate Iranian entrepreneurs’ activities. Accordingly, strengthening bilateral economic cooperation, leveraging cultural commonalities, improving supportive regulations, and addressing financial constraints could enhance entrepreneurial relations between the two countries.

Abstract The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and their seizure of power in 2021 has once again revived legal and political debates surrounding the recognition of governments in international law. While most states and international organizations have refrained from officially recognizing the Taliban, the Russian Federation, by adopting a pragmatic approach, has pursued a path of gradual engagement and even some forms of informal recognition. This article, using comparative and legal analysis methods, examines whether Russia’s recognition of the Taliban aligns with or contradicts the principles and practices of international law. Within this framework, key concepts such as the distinction between “de facto” and “de jure” recognition, non-standard governments, and the transformations of the post-Western international order are explored. The article then analyzes the regional implications of this trend for the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These include Iran's use of the Taliban's ambiguous legal status to maintain security and diplomatic advantages, secure a rear front amid tensions with the West and Israel, and preserve its value as a bargaining chip for Russia in its negotiations with the West over Ukraine. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the need to reconsider legal frameworks of recognition in light of emerging geopolitical developments.

Abstract Following the October Revolution of 1917, the process of identity formation in the Soviet Union was profoundly shaped by Bolshevik socialist ideology. A central aspect of this ideology was the redefinition of the “woman question” and the deliberate construction of the so-called “New Soviet Woman,” envisioned as an individual capable of actively participating in family, political, and economic spheres. In this regard, institutions such as the Zhenotdel, operating under the banner of gender equality, endeavored to incorporate women as an essential and influential component of both the Party and state apparatus, providing them with educational, social, political, and professional opportunities. The Bolshevik project, through the creation of the myth of the “New Socialist Woman,” produced a novel gender identity that stood in explicit contrast to contemporary European models.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, however, precipitated profound structural and ideological transformations in Kazakhstan. The engagement of international organizations and NGOs, while ostensibly aimed at promoting gender equality, often served to consolidate market-oriented economic policies and reinforce Kazakh nationalist agendas, rather than substantially improving women’s social conditions. Consequently, many of the achievements attained by women during the Soviet period were eroded, and their social standing gradually declined. Although Soviet nation-building had played a critical role in the creation of a new female identity, post-Soviet nationalism and neoliberal reforms significantly hindered the persistence of these gains and exposed women to new socio-political challenges.

Abstract The emergence of small and medium-sized ports as vital nodes connecting remote areas in international transport is a dominant issue in global transport, given the importance of maritime and rail corridors. In recent years, the two small ports of Aktau and Kuryk have in recent years, through a clear and well-planned program, become one of the maritime transport nodes in several international corridors in the Caspian Sea, including the important Trans-Caspian Corridor and the Trasika Corridor. In addition, they play a major and very important role in the Chinese Belt and Road megaproject, and if the North-South Corridor is successful, they will be one of the key points of this project. ،This has been done through a clear and well-documented program. By examining this issue, this research seeks to investigate and prove the importance of small ports in the world, and especially in the Caspian Sea, for connecting important international corridors and ultimately their enormous impact on the regional and international economy. The research method is a combination of descriptive library and field research and uses the theories of developmental government and geoeconomics.

Abstract Since Russia's war with Georgia in 2008, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, its intervention in the Syrian conflict in direct opposition to Western interests, the invasion of eastern Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and its interference in the affairs of other countries, discussions about Russia's behavior and intentions have increased significantly in areas that have geographical proximity to Russia. Especially since the "Ukrainian issue" has a prominent non-geopolitical feature, and there are many "nation-states" with this feature in Russia's neighborhood and surroundings. The study of Russian foreign policy trends in the Nordic-Baltic region and the influential component of Russia's "compatriots abroad" can shed light on geopolitical trends in the Nordic and Baltic regions. The main question of this article is how the security dilemma has affected the relations between Russia and the Nordic-Baltic countries? Based on Russia’s understanding of the security dilemma, this research examines the issue that the security dilemma has expanded the scope of Moscow’s security threats to the Baltic and Nordic regions. “Uncertainty,” “self-reliance,” and “anarchy” in Russia’s foreign policy behavior have led to the weakening of national security dilemma in the Nordic-Baltic countries. This research will attempt to analyze Russia’s behavior in dealing with the Nordics and Baltics using the logic of the security dilemma.

Abstract The South Caucasus region holds an important position in international politics in terms of energy resources, transit, geopolitical and geoeconomic importance. A region where the three countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, with their continued internal disputes and security instability, have prevented the formation of a common security complex and facilitated the influence and competition of regional and trans-regional actors in influencing the course of developments. Therefore, the main question is: what will be the approach of regional and transregional actors, their goals and position in achieving their interests in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035? In response to the main question, the main hypothesis claims that regional and transregional actors will adopt opposing approaches in the horizon of 2035 to achieve their strategic interests. And the geopolitical, political, and internal security challenges of the region and the contradictory alignment of the South Caucasus countries in proximity to regional and trans-regional powers in achieving national interests will make the security environment of the South Caucasus competitive, unbalanced, and critical, and will provide grounds for the influence of the aforementioned powers. The main goal of this research is to analyze and explain the interests of regional and trans-regional actors in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035 from the perspective of expert elites. The research method of this article is strategic foresight and Michel Goudet's structural analysis method, and the data collection tool is the use of books, articles, authentic documents, questionnaires, and semi-in-depth interviews experts and elites.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union not only reshaped the borders of the Caucasus region but also marked a turning point in the political and social transformations of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Among those affected were non-Azeri Iranian ethnic groups, particularly the Talysh people. This study aims to examine the post-Soviet conditions of these two ethnic groups by exploring their identity, political, and social dimensions. Given the lack of research on the cultural and social agency of these communities, this investigation is deemed necessary. Focusing on understudied ethnic groups can offer deeper insights into identity-based roles in regional developments and the cultural balance of the South Caucasus. Using concepts from contemporary political sociology and a multilayered theoretical framework—including cultural hegemony, identity politics, and the geopolitics of ethnicity—this research analyzes mechanisms of cultural resistance and the growth of identity awareness among these groups. Employing a qualitative approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, the study seeks to answer how the cultural, social, and historical capacities of the Talysh people can be interpreted within the proposed theoretical framework, and how these communities have responded to identity-erasing policies. The hypothesis suggests that due to state-driven homogenization and the absence of independent civil institutions, the Talysh possess limited capacity for political agency. Nevertheless, signs of cultural resistance and the strengthening of intra-group identity awareness are observable.

Abstract The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 marked a turning point in the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus region. During this conflict, Azerbaijan succeeded in regaining control over the surrounding areas of Nagorno-Karabakh after nearly three decades. Turkey’s role as a key regional actor was particularly significant. Unlike its approach in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War that limited to political support, Turkey adopted a more aggressive strategy in the second conflict, offering comprehensive political, military, and media support to Azerbaijan, thereby playing a crucial role in its victory.
The main question of this article is: what are the underlying causes of Turkey's aggressive approach during this conflict? To answer this question, the study employs the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, which argues that the foreign policy behavior of states is not solely determined by the structure of the international system. Instead, structural factors are filtered through domestic variables such as elite perceptions, strategic culture, and internal political considerations.
Accordingly, the main hypothesis of the article is that structural factors such as Russia’s passivity, Western indifference toward resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and Turkey’s strategic alliance with Azerbaijan were interpreted and mediated by domestic factors including the consensus among Turkish political elites, a nationalist and Turkic-oriented discourse, the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) interest in maintaining political power, and economic motivations. These combined dynamics ultimately led Turkey to adopt an aggressive foreign policy posture in the conflict. The research method is qualitative, based on a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Abai Kunanbaiuly (1845–1904) was a prominent Kazakh thinker and poet of the nineteenth century. His seminal work, Words of Edification, is a wisdom-laden text that emerged amid Kazakhstan’s identity, cultural, and colonial crises. In forty-five Words, Abai articulates profound humanistic and ethical reflections. This study, employing a directed qualitative content analysis and a philosophical hermeneutic approach, seeks to demonstrate how Abai’s ideas on wisdom and knowledge in Words of Edification are intricately linked to the cultural identity of Kazakhs and the Intellectual Space of Central Asia in the nineteenth century. Accordingly, the central question of this research is: How does Abai, through redefining the concepts of wisdom and knowledge, respond to the Kazakh cultural identity and the Intellectual Space of Central Asia crisis and formulate a model of ethical-cultural subjectivity? Through analyzing selected passages, the article reveals that Abai was not only a poet and social reformer but also a morally grounded philosopher striving to cultivate the traits of a conscious human being amid an identity crisis in Central Asia. In Abai’s view, wisdom serves as a tool for discerning good from evil, while knowledge becomes a means for seeking truth and justice. These concepts connect to moral self-cultivation on the individual level, social reform on the communal level, and cultural identity reconstruction in the face of foreign domination on the historical level. Thus, Words of Edification is a multilayered text aimed at both personal identity and collective awakening, offering a model for nurturing the “wise and committed human.”