‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The presence of energy resources in Central Asia represents one of the most significant opportunities for the countries in the region to overcome economic and political crises following independence. The three Central Asian countries with fossil fuel reserves have, from the outset, sought to attract international investments to make the energy sector the central driver of their economic growth. This trend accelerated particularly with the rise in energy prices after the year 2000. Some scholars argue that the existence of these energy resources and the revenues generated from them have led to the formation of restricted and authoritarian political systems. However, others believe that the internal conditions of these countries are rooted in their history and political culture, and that without these resources, they would face even greater economic and political instability.On the other hand, the realist logic and intra-regional competition have been among the main obstacles to economic and energy cooperation within the region. This issue has typically been resolved when a regional or international power has acted as a facilitator and guarantor. International organizations and initiatives, such as the “Shanghai Energy Club” and “CAREC,” have been unable to effectively and broadly alter this realist logic, instead providing a platform for bilateral and trilateral cooperation among member countries. Examples of successful cooperation include China’s bilateral partnerships in gas with Turkmenistan and oil with Kazakhstan. China’s strategic approach in the Central Asian energy sector has aimed to reduce energy security challenges and create a balance against major powers, particularly Russia.

Abstract BRICS members have large economies, with fast growth and high influence on regional and global trade. Therefore, Iran's economy has a unique opportunity to join Iran and make optimal use of the high commercial capacities of this group. In this article, the index of trade similarity between Iran and BRICS members for the period of 2003-2022 was studied, and the results showed that Iran's trade similarity with China and India had the highest rate, followed by Iran's trade similarity with Russia, then Brazil, and finally Africa. South had the lowest commercial similarity rate. Also, the results of the bilateral export stability index of Iran's economy with the BRICS group indicate that Iran-India and Iran-Russia exports have enjoyed high stability in the last three decades. Also, the results of the stability index of bilateral trade of Iran's imports indicate that the imports of Iran-Brazil, Iran-Russia, Iran-India, Iran-China and Iran-South Africa have enjoyed high stability in the last three decades, respectively. On the other hand, the results of the co-movement index show that with Iran's membership in the BRICS group and the growth of Iran's trade with China, Iran's trade with other countries will be able to expand in line with it. the weak and strong points of trade with each of the five countries of the BRICS group extracted from the statistical analysis of this article, can be the road map of Iran's trade with the members be the BRICS group.

Abstract The Middle East has been of considerable importance in the strategy of international powers and plays an important role since the past. China and Russia, as two major international powers, are trying to create a multipolar order, and the Middle East is known as one of their strategic arenas of confrontation and cooperation. Their common goal is to expand their influence by actively shaping regional political and security dynamics to challenge the hegemony of the West and the United States. The present study, by applying a game theoretical framework and employing an explanatory method, seeks to answer the question of what is the strategy of China and Russia in the Middle East? The findings show that since strategies are a function of the tools and mental perceptions of the actors and the existing realities, the two countries are seeking a balanced presence based on defined interests in a division of labor. China's economic strategy is long-term, pragmatic, opportunistic, and flexible, which results in maintaining good relations with all state actors and avoiding challenging the interests of the United States as the main guarantor of stability and security in the region. Russia's military and defense strategy is aimed at pursuing interests, political and military support for certain countries, controlled arms sales, maintaining regional stability, and countering terrorist groups. On the other hand, some of their interests overlap, and both maintain frequent diplomatic and political contacts throughout the region.

Abstract The present study aims to design and validate a model of cultural development pathologies in Central Asia. In order to process the problem, a qualitative research strategy and thematic analysis were used.The research data were collected using semi-standard interviews with18experts in the field of regional studies(Central Asia) who were selected usin the theoretical sampling method, and a network of analyzed themes and a network measurement conceptual model were constructed usingthe thematic analysis method. The article raises the question of what are the most important pathologies or challenges that contribute to the failure of realization of cultural development in Central Asia ?In response to the findings of the qualitative research, the model of cultural development pathologies in Central Asia includes four overarching themes: 1lack of civil society and independent media, including the theme (weak media and censorship; issues and administrative problems related to the government and the weakness of culture building in relation to civil society); 2The weakness of democratic culture, consisting of two themes(supporter follower culture and weakness of public culture); 3The low level of education indicators, consisting of two themes(structural and managerial weaknesses in educational institutions and parallel work and legal and executive multi functionality);and 4Regional and trans regional challenges, consistingof two themes(competition of regional and trans regional powers and the effects of globalization on regional culture).

Abstract The present study aims to phenomenologically analyze the strategies for resolving water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan in the Harirud Basin. This study, using a qualitative approach and interpretive phenomenology method, examines the perceptions and experiences of experts in the fields of water, international relations, and the environment in 1403 to 1404. Sampling was purposefully conducted based on the principle of theoretical saturation, and a total of 20 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 people. The data were analyzed using grounded theory and three-stage coding (open, axial, and selective). The findings showed that the strategies for resolving water disputes between Iran and Afghanistan are categorized into 116 open codes and 11 main categories including “mutual benefits”, “formal and informal diplomacy”, “international institutions”, “education and empowerment”, “economic interactions”, “environmental issues”, “scientific and local synergy”, “executive will”, “cultural and social interactions”, “transparency” and “strategic document”. These categories were organized into seven general areas: political, social, cultural, economic, legal and environmental. The results of this study can help policymakers and decision-makers in responsible institutions to design sustainable solutions and reduce water tensions, especially in the Harirud basin.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and India differ significantly in their foreign policy orientations. While India, despite certain ups and downs, has largely aligned itself with the Western-led global order, Iran has consistently maintained a confrontational stance toward it. Despite these profound differences, the two countries have converged on certain geoeconomic issues—particularly in the South Caucasus and the development of the North-South Corridor—based on their respective national interests. This study seeks to answer the central question: What factors have contributed to the emergence of joint strategic approaches between Iran and India in the South Caucasus, and specifically regarding the development of the North-South Corridor? The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s unique geopolitical and geoeconomic characteristics—and their value to India—alongside the significant mutual benefits derived from this project, have facilitated bilateral cooperation in this shared endeavor. The findings indicate that although the project has achieved relative progress due to its shared advantages, the sustained pursuit of joint strategies in this domain remains contingent upon broader variables at the international system level as well as regional dynamics. Methodologically, this research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and is grounded in the theory of geoeconomics, relying on library-based sources, including academic articles, and specialized news platforms.

Abstract The Karabakh conflict raises a key question: how can the tension between the principles of territorial integrity and the right to self-determination be resolved within the framework of international legal order in the post-war era? This study, relying on a documentary method based on binding international instruments and UN reports, and a comparative approach inspired by successful legal models such as the Aland Agreements, the Dayton Accords, and the Northern Ireland peace process, seeks to develop a comprehensive legal framework for achieving transitional justice, compensation for material and psychological damages, and protection of minority rights under the umbrella of public international law, human rights law, and international humanitarian law. The central hypothesis is that establishing a balance between Azerbaijan’s territorial sovereignty and the protection of affected communities through international monitoring and regional cooperation can lead to a sustainable legal order in the region. Findings indicate that post-war developments have revealed challenges such as human rights violations, the necessity of international accountability mechanisms, and a lack of intercommunal trust. This study underscores the importance of international oversight, the development of compensation mechanisms, and the implementation of approaches for consolidating lasting peace, concluding that the realization of these goals requires strategic political commitment from the parties and firm support from the international community.

Abstract This study examines China’s approach toward the Taliban government in Afghanistan, aiming to analyze the challenges, opportunities, and strategic interests that shape Beijing’s stance on recognizing the Taliban. Drawing on Graham Allison’s Rational Actor Model, the Chinese state is conceptualized as a rational actor seeking to maximize its national interests in a complex and high-risk environment. The findings indicate that despite security threats posed by extremist groups such as the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), China is actively seeking to exploit the economic and geopolitical opportunities emerging in Afghanistan. In this context, Beijing has deliberately avoided granting official recognition to the Taliban and has instead adopted a de facto recognition strategy—a cautious and flexible approach. This strategy minimizes political and security risks while laying the groundwork for potential future diplomatic and economic engagement. Ultimately, the research addresses the core question: How do China’s strategic interests influence its approach to recognizing the Taliban? China’s strategic calculations—centered on border security, countering extremism, accessing natural resources, and advancing the Belt and Road Initiative—have directly shaped its decision to adopt de facto recognition of the Taliban regime. This explains how Beijing’s strategic interests have influenced its policy choices toward the Taliban and resulted in both opportunities and challenges within the realm of Chinese foreign policy and regional security.

Abstract Education, as a fundamental human right and an essential tool for social and economic advancement, plays a vital role in the development of societies. However, educational inequalities, particularly in developing countries like Afghanistan, pose serious challenges to achieving development and social justice. In Afghanistan, economic, social, cultural, and geographical factors play a major role in creating educational inequalities. Poverty, lack of financial resources, and inadequate educational infrastructure in rural areas, along with negative cultural attitudes towards girls' education, and political instability, are among the main obstacles facing the country's educational system. Statistics show that more than 3.7 million Afghan children are deprived of education, 60% of whom are girls. Additionally, many schools in remote areas lack qualified teachers and adequate educational facilities. This research examines and analyzes the factors affecting educational inequality in Afghanistan, using documentary and secondary analysis methods for data collection. Data were gathered from various sources, including the Afghanistan Statistical Center, Ministry of Education, and Ministry of Higher Education. The findings indicate that economic poverty, lack of access to proper educational infrastructure, and cultural barriers such as conservative attitudes towards girls' education are key factors contributing to educational inequality in the country. Additionally, geographical disparities negatively impact access to and the quality of education, particularly in rural areas where educational facilities are limited. This study emphasizes the need for careful planning and the implementation of comprehensive and cohesive educational policies in Afghanistan.

Abstract This article traces India and China's rivalry in the Indo-Pacific as a newly emerging pivot region. These recent developments, which have been extremely violent and include military conflicts with casualties, have greatly damaged bilateral relations. While examining the reasons for the fall of bilateral relations to the lowest level, this article answers the question of how the Indo-Pacific structure has placed India and China in a competitive relationship with each other. The hypothesis of the article is that apart from specific bilateral disputes, Sino-Indian relations have been affected by global and regional developments. The increase in tension between the United States of America and China, and the evolution of the Indo-Pacific structure are among the reasons that have increased the distance and mistrust between the two countries. China's efforts in the fight for strategic areas, China's increasing influence in India's neighboring countries and the Belt and Road Initiative on the one hand, and India's actions in the form of establishing strategic alliances, the quadrilateral security dialogue and the Look East policy on the other hand, on the neighboring countries. It has been influential and has forced them to make complex choices in the field of political-security interactions and commercial-economic development.

Abstract The Aras River is one of the major common water sources entering Iran, which has experienced a special hydropolitical situation in the context of time and as a result of the geopolitical relations of the coastal countries of this watershed. Therefore, the present study seeks to analyze the impact of the geopolitical relations pattern between these countries on its hydropolitical situation, emphasizing the components of water quality and environmental pollution. To achieve the aforementioned goal, a descriptive-analytical method and library resources, articles and reliable Internet databases, and the results of research related to the water quality of the Aras River have been used. According to the findings of the study, Armenia is known to be the main polluter of the Aras River, which pollutes the Aras River and reduces its water quality through industrial wastewater and heavy metals. However, the conflicting geopolitical alignments between the countries of the Aras River basin and, consequently, the interactive geopolitical relationship pattern between Iran and Armenia, and the two countries' location on one side of the regional geopolitical alignments, along with Armenia's upstream and hydropower location, have caused this country to not respond positively to control measures and prevent pollutants from entering the Aras, and the decline in water quality and environmental pollution has continued. Accordingly, it is necessary to create a legal structure in international forums and form a water-based organization with the aim of consensus-building, monitoring, and controlling the crisis-causing aspects of this basin, especially from the perspective of environmental pollution.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to analyze the impacts of the implementation of the (CPEC) on Iran's geo-economic position. CPEC, one of the major regional infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, includes an extensive network in three main areas of infrastructure, energy, and economic development. Geographically, CPEC is not just a bilateral project that will strengthen relations between China and Pakistan, promote economic development in Pakistan, and enhance China's regional influence in South Asia, but it also has significant regional dimensions and impacts. In terms of subject matter, this project is not necessarily economic and has political, social, and even security dimensions. In this text, CPEC will have impacts on Iran's regional geo-economic position, which will be particularly noticeable in the two areas of energy (gas exports) and infrastructure (transit). This article uses an explanatory method and within the conceptual framework of the new geo-economics attempts to investigate these effects. The findings of the article show that although the impact of CPEC on Iran's geo-economic position is a combination of opportunities and challenges, and from the perspective of opportunity, Iran can adopt a smart policy, including linking its geo-economy with CPEC in the form of its macro-cooperation with China, to use this project as an opportunity for development and strengthening its regional position. However, it seems that its challenging dimension, including by reducing Pakistan's demand for gas imports from Iran and upgrading the transit position of this country, including theGwadar port againstChabahar, will weaken Iran's geo-economic position.

Abstract The North-South Corridor is an economic-political plan designed to facilitate transportation and, consequently, increase global trade exchanges. This plan, which is considered a strategic and important project for the countries along this corridor—namely Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, and India, as well as the surrounding countries—can play a significant role in enabling these nations to benefit from its positive effects. Due to various geopolitical and geoeconomic reasons, Iran has become the focal point of this important and strategic project. This research aims to examine the role of the North-South Corridor in the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, utilizing the theoretical framework of neoliberalism and drawing on library and internet resources, employing a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, it seeks to answer the question of how the North-South Corridor can influence Iran's political economy. In response, the hypothesis is examined that the North-South Corridor can impact the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by reducing transportation time and costs, increasing trade exchanges, enhancing geopolitical positioning, decreasing dependence on the West, and ultimately strengthening regional cooperation. The findings of the research confirm the research hypothesis and also indicate that the implementation of the mentioned plan will be important for facilitating and accelerating the process of de-dollarization and neutralizing Western sanctions.

Abstract Emerging powers have been recognized as a new form of power in the international arena. In this regard, some countries, including Iran, can be considered as an emerging power. The research question is: What is the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers in general and the foreign policy strategy of Iran in the Central Asian- the South Caucasus, and Southwest Asia? The research results show that emerging powers mainly use strategies such as hard balancing, Band wagoning, hedging, Accommodation, appeasement, and soft balancing to achieve their goals. In case of Iran, it should be noted that this country is trying to block American hegemony in Central Asia, in the framework of a soft balancing strategy, with the support of Russia and China. In the South Caucasus, it uses a strategy of hedging and balancing from the outside to contain Türkiye and the Republic of Azerbaijan. this country uses different strategies in Southwest Asia and its various subregions. For example, in the Levant, a hard balancing act is being pursued to contain Israel and accommodation to contain Türkiye. In the Persian Gulf, it has used hedging to contain the UAE-Saudi Arabia axis. The aim of this research is to examine the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers, with an emphasis on the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the two environments of Central Asia - Caucasus and Southwest Asia. The research method used is a theory-case matching and qualitative comparison method using a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Russia's foreign policy has been significantly shaped by the concept of pragmatism throughout its history, particularly in recent decades. This article seeks to provide a clearer explanation of how this pragmatism can be analyzed in the conduct of Russian statesmen. The central question posed is: how does "Gorchakovism" demonstrate the dimensions of Russian pragmatism in historical and empirical contexts? The hypothesis advanced here is that the restoration of Russia's international status after its defeat in the Crimean War (1853–1857) and the Treaty of Paris, achieved through a step-by-step diplomatic approach and the effective utilization of opportunities within Europe's geopolitical environment, established Gorchakov as a historical emblem of Russian pragmatism. To examine this hypothesis, the authors employ the theory of pragmatism in foreign policy and a qualitative analysis of historical texts, political literature, and Russia's international developments. The primary finding of this article is that in the realm of international politics, national interests can only be effectively pursued through pragmatic, calculated, and incremental diplomacy. Furthermore, abstract ideals, unless they possess tangible applicability, risk leading nations and states toward collapse and failure.

Abstract Deep geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on the relations between Iran and the Republic of Armenia. The geographical location and strategic importance have turned this region into one of the most important regions in the world, and the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors has had a direct impact on this relationship. This research seeks to evaluate the behavioral pattern of Iran and Armenia in the South Caucasus region, especially after the changes caused by the Second Karabakh War in 2020, because the Second Karabakh War changed the balance of regional power, the strategic environment and the perspective of arrangements. It has revolutionized the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. In this regard, the main question of the research is raised in this way, what was the behavior pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Armenia in the South Caucasus region? Using the concept of geo-polynomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern to maintain the balance of power in the South Caucasus region is to expand the political, security and economic relationship with Armenia, especially after the second Karabakh war; Of course, geopolinomic concZangzor Corridor and military-intelligence exchange have remained strong, which after 2020 will increase tensions in the South Caucasus, especially between Iran and the opposite bloc. which includes Azerbaijan, Turkey and thonist regime. We do this important based on the descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative research methods that have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and authentic cyberspace websites.

Abstract Problem Statement: The political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy encompass processes through which states adopt and implement foreign policy and respond to the foreign policies of other countries. The literature of international relations emphasizes that domestic politics plays a fundamental role in shaping foreign policy. Therefore, this research aims to identify the pattern of political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with Azerbaijan.
Methodology: This research adopts a qualitative approach using the grounded theory method. The study's target population includes senior government officials, policymakers, and professors in the field of foreign policy and international relations. Sampling was conducted purposively and snowballing, with data gathered through exploratory interviews.
Findings: Data analysis revealed that the pattern of political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with Azerbaijan consists of five main components: causal conditions (national interests, realism, domestic policies, countering sanctions, etc.), contextual conditions (support, service to elites, participation, trust-building, etc.), intervening factors (weak diplomacy, economic problems, executive inefficiencies), strategies (balancing, de-escalation, controlling public opinion and media, strengthening hard power), and outcomes (economic development, strengthening economic alliances, etc.).
Results: The findings of this research highlight the importance of identifying the various dimensions of the political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with neighboring countries, particularly the Republic of Azerbaijan. These results can assist policymakers in the field of international relations in improving and enhancing political and social interactions.

Abstract Today, the role of emerging powers in the Middle East is very important in the framework of global politics and influence in the region. China and Russia, as two countries with unique capabilities in the field of politics and economy, have been able to strengthen their influence in this region. This research examines the new strategic policies of these two powers in the Middle East. The main question of this research is as follows; What strategies have Russia and China used to increase and strengthen their influence in the Middle East? Which one has been more successful? The hypothesis of the research is that Russia and China by focusing on three main strategies namely; Strengthening and developing economic relations, seeking regional leadership through increasing political presence and influence and positive image of themselves in the region are trying to increase their influence and influence in the Middle East. This research tries to investigate this issue with descriptive analytical method and using library sources.

Abstract Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia pursued various strategies to maintain influence within its near abroad. Several post-Soviet institutions emerged against a backdrop of evolving relations with the West and the rise of integrationist concepts like Neo-Eurasianism, which emphasizes regional cooperation and a distinct identity. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), established in 2015 by Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan, is a key initiative designed to foster deep economic integration, partially inspired by the European Union model. This article investigates the integration trajectory of the EAEU between 2015 and 2022, addressing the question: What were the primary trends and dynamics shaping the EAEU's integration path during this period? Employing the analytical frameworks of Neo-Functionalism and Neoliberal Institutionalism, the research finds that the EAEU achieved notable success in building institutions, developing common regulations, and establishing standards, aligning with Neo-Functionalist expectations of progress in formal structures. However, progress in practical economic integration—a core focus analyzed through the lens of Neoliberal Institutionalism's emphasis on achieving cooperative gains—lagged significantly. Specifically, the establishment of a fully operational common market, the consistent application of common external customs tariffs, and the implementation of coordinated economic policies experienced considerable delays during the period studied.

Abstract  
Seeking to counterbalance international unilateralism, Iran employs a strategy that combines domestic strengths with strategic partnerships, viewing institutions like BRICS as vital platforms. Motivated by a revisionist perspective on the global order, Iran actively cultivates relationships with emerging powers while opposing cooperation with established hegemonic forces. Key objectives, pursued through BRICS membership, include strengthening Iran's geopolitical position and working to delegitimize and contain perceived unilateralist hegemony.

Abstract The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War marked a pivotal juncture, initiating a significant reconfiguration of the security order in the South Caucasus and redefining the roles of regional and extra-regional actors. Within this evolving landscape, the strategic latitude of regional players is increasingly influenced by shifting power dynamics and the competing interests of dominant states. Observable changes in traditional alignments—such as the apparent decline of Russia's influence over Armenia and the expanding strategic footprints of Turkey and Israel—underscore these transformations and heighten the potential for renewed conflict. Critical variables are now shaping the emerging order, including Armenia's foreign policy reorientation, the uncertain trajectory of Armenia-Azerbaijan peace negotiations, Georgia's geopolitical positioning, and the intensified contest over strategic corridors. These developments reflect the underlying dynamics of great power competition intersecting with local rivalries. The resulting complexity, characterized by a multitude of actors and intricate interdependencies, renders outcomes increasingly unpredictable and potentially challenges conventional analytical frameworks for understanding regional security transformations

Abstract Energy diplomacy constitutes a critical strategy for industrialized consumer nations, emerging energy producers, and transit states alike. Amidst recurring geopolitical tensions between Russia and the West—notably underscored by conflicts related to Ukraine since 2006—Türkiye’s strategic importance as a potential energy corridor to Europe has been significantly heightened. This study analyzes the energy diplomacy strategy of Türkiye under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It assesses how Ankara has sought to capitalize on this strategic position, considering factors such as its growing domestic energy demand and its unique location astride East-West transit routes. The findings demonstrate that Türkiye’s targeted diplomatic initiatives have enhanced its negotiating leverage within global energy markets and asserted its role as a key regional energy actor, particularly concerning European energy security.

Abstract US sanctions against Iran have severely hampered production, employment, business activity, and development projects, thereby decreasing economic efficiency and national income. Consequently, amid the growth of regional cooperation and the formation of economic blocs, Iran has increasingly viewed the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a vital platform for economic partnership. This research aims to identify the opportunities that membership in the EAEU could offer Iran for countering unilateral US sanctions. The central research question is: How can membership in the EAEU enable Iran to counter sanctions and mitigate their economic impact? Key identified opportunities include enhanced cooperation among sanctioned states, the application of preferential tariffs, the development of a stronger regional Asian focus, and expanded intra-regional trade. This is an applied study employing a mixed-methods design. Guided by the theoretical framework of modern regionalism, the research uses a descriptive-inferential approach and content analysis to test its central hypothesis.

Abstract Within the anarchic framework of the international system, governments adjust their foreign policy by their interests and environmental conditions. Russia has also adopted a policy based on smart power in the Middle East by combining hard and soft power. The country has used hard power to confront fundamentalist groups and, at the same time, has strengthened its position as a balanced actor on the issue of Palestine and Sionist regime by utilizing soft power. This research shows that Russia's main goal has been to maintain geopolitical interests, reduce costs, and increase regional influence. Moscow has also tried to establish its international image as a peace mediator. This dual policy has been a smart response to the geopolitical complexities of the Middle East.

Abstract The intensification of recent global trends—including the war in Ukraine, growing US-China competition, and heightened geopolitical rivalry—has fueled speculation about shifts in the international order, with a particular focus on Eurasia. In recent years, Russia and China have made concerted efforts to reshape the security architecture of Eurasia. This study addresses the central question: What are the nature and characteristics of the regional security order that Russia and China envision for the region? The study argues that Russia and China seek to establish a regional security order based on integration. This envisioned order is explicitly anti-hegemonic and founded on principles such as the distribution of power and responsibility, equality, respect for sovereignty, and, critically, the indivisibility of security. This research employs a qualitative, descriptive-analytical methodology, evaluating the hypothesis through the analysis of official documents, policy statements, and scholarly literature.