‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract One of the most central issues that has attracted the attention of all analysts of the international system from the perspective of strategic studies is how China plans and plays a role in the strategic regions of the international system to advance its international interests using the resources and considerations it has. The question is, what parameters will affect China's foreign policy strategy towards the countries of the Central Asian region? It seems that China, by taking advantage of the opportunities that have arisen in the Central Asian region and by increasing its influence and economic, security-political cooperation in line with the construction of a multipolar hegemonic system in the international system, has moved (inclined) towards regional and regional balancing. The above research is of an applied type and has been analyzed and compiled with a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach and in a library manner. The purpose of this research is to identify China's capacities and capabilities in the Central Asian region. The findings of the present study show that, in the new millennium, China, taking advantage of its special international position (status and position), and in order to advance its goals and interests, should take advantage of the opportunities that have emerged and try to move in the Central Asian region by creating regional balance and adopting a new regionalism strategy. ,

Abstract Nowruz is one of the ancient rituals that is celebrated every year with the beginning of the spring equinox in Iran and the countries affected by the Iranian civilization as well as Turkey. Nowruz is a cultural phenomenon and can be a key element for connecting the countries that organize it. As two neighboring countries, Iran and Turkey have always had social, economic and cultural relationships with each other. One of the most important common cultural elements between Iran and Turkey is the ancient Nowruz. The question of the present article is what are the similarities and differences between Nowruz in the two countries of Iran and Turkey and how is the role of Nowruz in the cultural diplomacy of the two countries evaluated and what are the common cultural lines between Iran and Turkey. It seems that according to the importance of soft power and cultural manifestations, Nowruz can help to deepen cultural relations between Iran and Turkey. The ceremony of welcoming Nowruz, house shaking, Haft Sin table, buying new clothes and seeing and visiting relatives are among the common features of Nowruz between the two countries. From the point of view of differences, Nowruz in different parts of Iran and Turkey has differences regarding how to hold the ceremony and the anthropological differences that have been mentioned. The research method is using library resources and collecting data from articles, books and examining them in a descriptive-analytical way.

Abstract The South Caucasus is a very important region that has a significant place in the geopolitical landscape of the 21st century. The wars in Ukraine and Karabagh provided a unique opportunity for Türkiye to review its new strategic perspective. Following the implementation of the trust-building project with Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia, Turkey has adopted a multifaceted strategy to establish stability and balance. The current research, by applying the constructivist theory, seeks to answer the question, what are the economic, political and military goals of Turkey in the countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia? The findings of the research show that Turkey has a multifaceted strategy to achieve economic goals (access to the consumer market, investment and mastery of energy lines and ensuring energy security), political and strategic (expanding the sphere of strategic influence and geopolitical in the region and the international environment) and military and security (changing the military and security balance of the region by providing assistance to strategic allies). The result is that following the change of geopolitical realities in the Caucasus, Turkey is trying to increase its geopolitical weight in the world by applying a multifaceted strategy while reducing the role of its competitors, Russia and Iran in the region and by finding a way to improve relations with Armenia. Change and promote international multipolar order.

Abstract Transitioning from conflicts has a direct relationship with gender equality in the peacebuilding.This means that just as war affect the lives of all human beings Justice requires that all people participate in the process of establishing peace.The use of women in terrorist organizations shows the need to pay attention to this part of the peace building process. Researchers believe that in many cases,The failure in the peace-making process is due to the lack of presence of women in this process. Therefore, today peace and transition from conflicts is tied to gender equality. The main question of this research is, how has the effect of gender and women been on the transition from conflicts in the South Caucasus region in the years after independence? The evidence shows that the women have been able to participate in the processes of peace-building by strengthening the perception of their outstanding role in this path along with the change in the views of the post-independence political institutions regarding their ability. However, a mixture of strong dominance of patriarchal institutions on the society, lack of self-confidence in women and little effect of informal organizations on the peacebuilding and peacekeeping processes in this region have caused women to still not achieve their true position in the process of creating a post-conflict society.Examining the role of women in the transition from the post-independence conflicts in the South Caucasus in the context of the theoretical literature of gender, war and peace with Analytical-Descriptive and Historical methods confirms this hypothesis.

Abstract Strategic culture is the quintessence of the attitude of elites and society towards the concept of power and its use in the world and surrounding environment.The indicators of strategic culture are influenced by four main sources, including religion and ideology, the structure of the international system, geography and geopolitics, and historical experiences. The question of the article is that how the influence of religion and ideology was on the strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation and What are the similarities and differences between the both together? The hypothesis of the article is that the Russian Orthodox discourse and the Shia Islam discourse, by shaping the Russia and Iran strategic perception, has defined the boundaries of their thinking and behavior in a way that has acquired a quasi-divine status. The most important common dimension of the religion role in the strategic culture of these two countries is “Determining collective identity and demarcation of identity” and "Strengthening the sense of exceptionalism" And the most important differences are based on "geopolitical expansionism vs justiceism" and "Inspirationism and semanticism vs profit-oriented pragmatism and materialistic goal" and "ethnic nationalism vs Islamic internationalism. In this article, the research method is Explanatory-analytical and the data was collected through a library.

Abstract Among the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan has special importance for Israel due to its geographical location and being on the west and east routes. This regime has started relations with Azerbaijan for three decades and has entered a new stage in recent years. Given the above explanations the question arises, where is Azerbaijan's position and role in Israel's national security strategy? And what is Israel's approach to the development of relations with Azerbaijan? The underlying hypothesis is that Israel's approach to relations with Azerbaijan can be understood in light of the concept of strategic depth and the pursuit of Israel's security needs. From this point of view, the development of relations with Baku is important for the continuation of Israel's life. The results show that Israel seeks to turn Azerbaijan into the strategic depth of this regime in the South Caucasus to overcome its geopolitical weaknesses and repel its military threats. Also, this measure helps Tel Aviv to strengthen its deterrent strategy against Iran. Israel's nesting in Azerbaijan and the development of these relations in military-security dimensions can affect Iran's national security and lead to Iran's distance from Azerbaijan and make colder relations between the two countries. To conduct the article, the explanatory method has been used and the data was gathered through the library method.

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the longest international crises officially started on February 20, 1988. As an important and influential actor in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced the crisis caused by the occupation of lands by Armenia after gaining independence. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict later turned into an international crisis due to the intervention of some foreign powers. It is believed that Turkey's support for the Republic of Azerbaijan is an attempt to expand its sphere of influence both by increasing Baku's position in the conflict and by marginalizing the influence of Iran and Russia in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran's concern about insecurity spilling over into its northwestern borders while opposing foreign intervention in this crisis, it wants to resolve the conflict emphasizing diplomacy and direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The main question of the research is, what strategy do Iran and Turkeye follow regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? The research hypothesizes that Turkeye is trying to fundamentally change the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh in Baku's favor by developing comprehensive relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and securing its regional goals and policies. On the other hand, while opposing any change in its northern borders, Iran has adopted a policy of neutrality towards Karabagh. However, the significant change in the military balance in favor of the Republic of Azerbaijan following the 2020 war has led Tehran to withdraw from its traditional policy of neutrality and openly support the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The qualitative analysis method was used to analyze the data of this research.

Abstract Diplomacy is one of the basic concepts in political science, which has many branches today One of them is water diplomacy Considering the water shortage crisis, it plays an important role in the direction of relations between countries, especially in the field of shared water resources. Aras River is the largest border river in the country with a length of 475 kilometers and has economic, social, environmental, and security benefits. The present study, with a descriptive-analytical method, is looking for an answer to the question of how the water diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is evaluated with an emphasis on the implementation of common sovereignty in the case of the Aras River. The research findings show that due to the importance of water diplomacy for managing shared waters with neighbors, maximizing efficient water diplomacy with an emphasis on a unified view of common interests and an integrated management of the water area is essential. Making the water diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran more active with Turkey, the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Armenia in many areas related to the Aras River such as the environment, especially with Armenia and also with Turkey in the field of managing the construction of dams on the Aras River can be effective.

Abstract The Russian Federation, with its huge capacities, has always been among the claimants of economic dynamism, and according to the Globalization Index (KOF) data, it has made continuous efforts for economic growth and moving in the direction of globalization. From the 18th century until now, this country has taken effective steps towards its economic dynamism by taking advantage of the "foreign direct investment" capacity despite the existence of internal, regional, and international obstacles, and in this regard, with ups and downs in the amount of FDI. has faced One of the international paradigms that are taking steps towards globalization is "sustainable development", one of its challenging points is the confrontation with uncontrolled FDI. Based on the hypotheses of "pollution haven" and "pollution halo effect" and the study of energy efficiency in this country, this research examines part of the divorce point between the two issues of FDI and SDGs. With a systematic review method, it concludes that FDI In Russia is non-green. Its increase causes the growth of CO2, methane, and other greenhouse gases, proving the PHH hypothesis and reducing the realization of SDG indicators for this country. The closeness of the conditions of Russia and the Islamic Republic Iran also gives this opportunity to domestic officials to make great efforts in the field of energy, environmental protection, and non-renewable resources and implement the environmental laws of foreign direct investment with high precision and sensitivity.

Abstract The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

Abstract Following the outbreak of renewed conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh in late 2020, a trilateral agreement mediated by Russia was signed. This led to the withdrawal of Armenian forces and civilians from around 35% of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, putting approximately 70% of the area under Baku and its allies' control. This paper examines the geopolitical dimensions of the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict and explores the prospects for resolving it given the geopolitical changes after the 45-day war in 2020 between Baku and Yerevan. The key research question is: What impact have the geopolitical changes following the 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia war had on resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh frozen conflict? Using a descriptive-analytical approach and geopolitical framework, the hypothesis was tested that the geopolitical changes have complicated the conflict while strengthening Baku's position. The findings confirm the hypothesis, suggesting the geopolitical complexities make a peaceful solution more difficult while increasing the likelihood of further military action by Azerbaijan.

Abstract American pragmatists consider the realist and liberal tradition in international relations to be inefficient and believe that most of the successes of American foreign policy have been achieved with a pragmatic approach and a peaceful method and emphasis on diplomacy. At first, Biden's foreign policy was organized around the issue of human rights and democracy, but the outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine caused a change in priorities. Therefore, by transitioning from liberalism to pragmatism in foreign policy, he tried to manage this crisis. The purpose of this article is to examine the change of priorities and approaches in Biden's foreign policy after the Russia-Ukraine war. The question of this article is: What did the Russia-Ukraine war cause? Has there been a change in the priorities of Biden's foreign policy? The hypothesis of this research, which tries to be proven with analytical and explanatory methodology and emphasis on objective and tangible political facts, is: that understanding the war between Russia and Ukraine as a strategic threat from the government Biden changed the approach in American foreign policy to manage this crisis. In such a way that pragmatism became the focal point and central core of Biden's foreign policy, and issues such as human rights and democracy are marginal issues.  

Abstract The Caspian region's strategic investment potential, energy reserves, and geo-economic significance have garnered attention from both regional and global powers. Among these, China, a trans-regional force, has displayed a keen interest in the region, employing a strategic blend of economic and energy diplomacy. By prioritizing the implementation of the One Belt - One Road initiative for investments and application, and subsequently emphasizing energy diplomacy, China has sought to bolster its economic diplomacy in the Caspian region. This article delves into China's economic diplomacy approach in the Caspian region, particularly concentrating on Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan. Employing a mixed-methods research approach encompassing both qualitative and quantitative analysis, this study examines the pivotal success factors underpinning China's diplomatic efforts in the region. The investigation reveals that China's economic diplomacy hinges on the One Belt - One Road initiative, with energy diplomacy integral to its execution. Notably, the foundation of China's successful diplomatic model lies in the cultivation of mutual trust and the pursuit of mutually beneficial outcomes.                                                        

Abstract China is considered the most important emerging power in world politics in the early decades of the third millennium. The stunning economic rise of this country and the promotion of its position in the international system have made China's foreign policy behavior important to encountering various international trends and events. Following September 11 and the expansion of terrorist activities on an international scale, the need to deal with terrorism should become the main priority of the countries of the world. The role and position of China in the international system and the political economy requirements of this country at different national, regional and global levels have caused the impact of terrorism on China's internal, regional and international security interests. Based on this, how to manage terrorist threats from China and the complexity of this country's relations with other great powers, especially the United States as the largest country claiming to deal with terrorism on the other hand, analyzing the place of terrorism in China's foreign and security policy and the policy of this country's confrontation with has turned the mentioned phenomenon into a subject of study and research. In this regard, the main question of the current research is that what policy does China follow in confrontation with the phenomenon of terrorism? The hypothesis of the research in the framework of the assumptions and themes of the theory of institutionalism is that China's policy towards terrorism can be understood in the form of an institutional multilateralism approach in international relations.

Abstract Undoubtedly, developing exports in developing countries will increase the added value of products, investment in research and development, foreign direct investment, and creation of job opportunities. This research was carried out to provide a model of factors affecting Iran's cement export to CIS countries and the effectiveness of spanning marketing capabilities. This research was of a qualitative type and with an approach of foundational data theory, which was compiled with MAXQDA software and using the coding method. The statistical population consisted of 13 cement industry experts who were purposefully selected and interviewed. The findings showed that causal conditions include managers' bias and commitment to export, sales engineering, specialized knowledge of employees, creativity and innovation, research and development, pricing, distribution channels, promotion and advertising, product quality, competitiveness, and introducing the company's capabilities and packaging. LT is. Background conditions include customs rules and regulations, political and economic support of the government for export, information technology and computer networks, logistics, and transportation, support of the cement industry trade association, and support of the Chamber of Commerce for export. Also, the intervening conditions include foreign exchange obligations, traditional marketing, economic war, force majeure conditions, customs and culture of countries, and price dumping, and strategies include market research, customer relationship management, strategic planning, pricing strategy, capillary marketing strategy, export marketing SWOT, The budget is for export marketing, risk management, human resource development and specialized training of employees. The consequences of the project include branding, improvement, and 

Abstract The purpose of this article is to examine the international challenges of establishing a national government in Afghanistan, which in the last two decades (2001-2021), under the influence of the competition of regional countries (such as Pakistan and India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Turkey, Central Asian countries) and trans-regional powers (such as America, Russia, China and the European Union) have been formed and consolidated. In response to the fundamental question of this article, what are the international challenges of establishing a national government in Afghanistan? It is hypothesized that geopolitical rivalries, the Durand conflict and the ISIS group in Afghanistan are among the most important international challenges to the creation of a national government in Afghanistan, and regional factors (such as Pakistan and India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Turkey, Central Asian countries) and extra-regional (such as America, Russia, China and European Union) have been affected. Competitions, enmities, supremacy and security dynamics of regional countries and great powers in the geography of Afghanistan have caused this country to face international challenges in creating a national and comprehensive government. Cannot be the founder of the national government in Afghanistan. The mentioned problem has been investigated using the theoretical framework of "Regional Security Complex Theory" and analytical descriptive method. The obtained results indicate that the geopolitical competition, the Durand conflict and the activities of the ISIS group in Afghanistan, with the influence of regional and extra-regional variables, will challenge this country in the period of twenty years (2001-2021) Has drawn.

Abstract The long-term political conflict in Afghanistan over the acquisition of power reached its peak in 2022 with the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Taliban's resumption of power. However, to find the roots of the many causes of this event, we must consider the geographical and ethnic-racial features of Afghanistan, along with the efforts of the modern governments of this country in the direction of nation-state building in the context of political history, as well as the role of neighbors and regional and extra-regional powers. In addition, centralized/decentralized and federal/non-federal governance models should also be discussed in theory and practice. In this article, an attempt is made to answer this question: why can the governance model based on centralized federalism be a desirable political solution to end the long-term power conflict in Afghanistan? According to the research hypothesis, due to the mosaic fabric of society in Afghanistan and the preference of ethnic tendencies over national tendencies and interests, the model of federalism and at the same time the existence of a powerful central federal government can be presented as a desirable political solution. The research results that the factors of the fall and collapse of the Afghan government were the high level of government concentration, the lack of attention to the participation of political groups and ethnic groups in power, and the lack of use of the capacities of local governments.

Abstract Emphasizing the role of external factors, this research seeks to investigate peace, which led to the collapse of the Afghan government. After the American presence in Afghanistan during this period of twenty years, most of the political priorities, the discussion of war and peace, and the discussion of terrorism in Afghanistan were determined and assigned by the United States of America. Finally, the fate of this country was determined by different parties in the Doha Agreement in 2020. This agreement and the withdrawal of the American military from the Bagram military base made the fall of the Afghan government certain on August 15, 2021. What important factors play a role in the downfall of the Afghan government? This research is faced with the hypothesis that in addition to various internal issues, the collapse of the Afghan government was caused by external factors. The findings of the research show that the Doha Peace Agreement is a factor in initiating the Taliban; The withdrawal of foreign military forces is a factor in creating a power vacuum. Support for the Taliban has been the three key factors for the collapse of the government in Afghanistan.

Abstract Afghanistan has an important position for the countries of the region, including China, in terms of having rich natural resources and having an important transit position as a link between regions such as Central Asia, South Asia, and West Asia. With the Taliban once again dominating Afghanistan, China's relations with this group have entered a new stage, and Afghanistan is still the focus of China's foreign policy. In this regard, this research aims to examine the trends governing China's political economy and its impact on the country's foreign policy towards the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Therefore, this research tries to use the qualitative method and sample research method to address the basic question of how China's political economy has directed the country's foreign policy towards the Taliban. In response to this hypothesis, China's political economy, with its neo-mercantilist approach and centralized capitalism, has directed the foreign policy of this country to serve the economic interests and access to Afghanistan's natural resources in interaction with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The findings of the research show that the upward trend of China's industrial growth requires natural resources for the consumption of domestic industries. In addition, natural reserves are considered essential for the continuation of China's economic growth. Therefore, the necessity of controlling foreign natural resources and transit situations has been inevitable for China's economic development. In the meantime, Afghanistan, with its natural reserves and convenient transit location, can play a strategic role in China's economic interests.

Abstract As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China). As one of the important global actors, Russia has experienced offensive and defensive roles in its lifetime due to the developments in the regional environment such as the Arctic and its power. The importance of the North Pole in this century became apparent when Russia sent a submarine to a depth of 4261 meters in the Arctic Ocean on August 2, 2007, and installed the country's flag on the bottom of this ocean. Russia, in addition to having the best border with the Pole the largest amount of resources estimated in this region, and the largest ice fleet in the world due to the unique geographical location of the North Pole compared to it, in terms of aristocracy in different regions of this country for Any possible military attack has a strategic position. The main research question concerns the principles and strategic nature of Russia's policies in the Arctic region. In response to this question in a descriptive-analytical way and according to the principle of explaining strategies based on interests in the framework of power, Russia's strategies in this region are based on the conditions and the origin and source of the threat. and include a set of strategies, including strategies derived from domestic policy for the exploitation of economic and environmental benefits, foreign policy including the strategy of tension and strong reaction in the face of threats caused by the hegemon (NATO expansion) and its allies. It is a coalition strategy with extra-regional actors (China).

Abstract Iran neighbors four other coastal countries in the Caspian Sea, among which two countries, Russia and Kazakhstan, are among the largest grain and wheat exporters in the world. Iran also has technology and skills in grain processing and food production, which is always semi-active. The main question is, what is the benefit of the grain corridor in the Caspian Sea for Iran, and how can Tehran provide the basis for its establishment and development?
In this research, two theories of "comparative advantage" and "local comparative advantage" are used, based on which Iran has opportunities like advanced technology for grain processing, legal frameworks such as the Eurasian Economic Union agreement, and an accessible and shorter geographical route like INSTC.
Based on the findings of the research, some mistakes regarding the issue of food security and preventing the import of grains have made Iran unable to become an exporter of processed grains in the world. To answer this challenge, the model of Turkey as one of the largest grain exporters in the world has been compared. The results show that Iran can produce the grain it needs internally and process and import more than its domestic production from Russia and Kazakhstan, then by adding value, export it to other countries.
This is the method that Turkey uses and benefits from its income every year. As a result, according to these factors and Iran's potential to transfer these goods, the Caspian Sea can become an international corridor in the field of grains, creating a type of value chain between the three coastal countries.

Abstract China's growing need for global energy resources has made this country pay special attention to the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the world's largest energy producers. In this regard, the representation of a positive image of Beijing in the eyes of rulers and Arab societies is one of the requirements for the expansion of political, economic, and social relations. This issue can strengthen Beijing's influence and position in the Middle East. On the other hand, Arab politicians, to maintain their legitimacy and present a positive image of Arab countries as developing advanced, and prosperous nations, need to attract large investments from powerful countries such as China in the field of digital infrastructures and social media platforms. This research aims to answer the question of what effect China's digital diplomacy towards Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates has had on the development process of this country's relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE and whether this diplomacy has improved the relations between these two countries with China or not. The results of this study suggest that with the beginning of China's focus on the need to enter the Middle East to take advantage of investment opportunities and huge resources, and China's understanding of this to present a positive and peaceful image of itself by using digital diplomacy to expand its influence in this region, China's relations with the mentioned countries have expanded significantly. These relations have been progressing despite the stonewalling of the West and the United States. This is largely due to China's digital diplomacy. The present paper is a descriptive analysis using the documentary and library resources. .

Abstract In the Caucasus disputes, some regional powers such as Turkey seek to play a role in the equations of this region. In line with the balance of power with Iran in the Caucasus region, Turkey is trying to seriously pursue its presence in support of Baku, which can impact the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to investigate the role of Turkey in the security of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the research question can be expressed as what role Turkey played in the security of the relations between Iran and Azerbaijan? In response to the research question, using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen school, a hypothesis is proposed as follows: Turkey, by using pan-Turkic policies, military cooperation, arms support, and intelligence support from the Republic of Azerbaijan and facilitating the presence of Takfiri forces in the region, the security of relations between Iran and Azerbaijan has played a role. The research findings show that Turkey's most important goal in the Caucasus is long-term political, economic, and security presence and influence, which it pursues with the cooperation of Azerbaijan. In addition to the linguistic, ethnic, and cultural links between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Türkiye, a combination of various political, defense, and economic factors has also been affected.

Abstract The inherent revolutionary optimism, along with the idealistic enthusiasm resulting from the creation of new revolutionary structures, brings global dreams and perspectives to the revolutionaries and is introduced in all the actions and thoughts of the revolutionary leaders as the main goal of every revolution. On the other hand, there are necessities and limitations besides the mission defined in the process of issuing the revolution, which play a very important role in building a new revolutionary identity. Examining elements such as geography and geopolitical limitations, international pressures, public interests, structural necessities, ethnic and national issues, and their role, and examining the dimensions of this influence and effectiveness is one of the goals of this research. The author tries to use the theory of constructivism to address the most important influencing factors in the Russian revolution, focusing on the export of the revolution, and to explain how the identity components influence and play a role in the export strategy of the Russian October Revolution. In this research, we want to investigate the process and why of this rotation in an interactive process between the revolutionary structure and the revolutionaries and the external components of the identity sector. It seems that the Russian Revolution has been watching it slowly conquering its ideals and its heart with internal and external realities, and its only action has been a reluctant alignment of this interaction in favor of hard external components.

Abstract In different historical periods, one of the important geopolitical regions for Iran's security has been the South Caucasus region. China is trying to revive the historical Silk Road with a new one-belt-one-way plan, which used to start from China and lead to Europe through Iran and the Caucasus. Iran has a fundamental position in the plan of this corridor; the kind that reaches the Black Sea from Chabahar through the North-South corridor and passes through Armenia, Georgia, and Russia. After the ceasefire in the second Karabakh War, an agreement was reached between Azerbaijan and Armenia, one of the provisions of which is the plan to reopen the old roads. Still, Azerbaijan has an idea beyond the old one-way under the supervision of Armenia and wants to create a west-east corridor in the Zangezor region, directly under the supervision of Baku. This action violates the territorial integrity of Armenia, and also, causes the destruction of Iran's border with Armenia. On the way to creating the western-eastern corridor of Zangezzor, not only the Republic of  Azerbaijan but also many countries support the creation of this corridor. Now, the main question of this research is, what effect does Azerbaijan's plans to create a new corridor have on Iran's security? These countries are pursuing goals such as the creation of NATO's Turani Corridor, a permanent source of energy, and ultimately this extravagance will lead to the blockade of Iran in the northwest and the loss of one of the old crossings and highways.