‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.

Abstract A healthy environment is one of the fundamental pillars of sustainable development, but rapid population growth, industrialization, and excessive exploitation of natural resources, especially water resources, have jeopardized the fragile ecological balance in many regions of the world. As an arid and semi-arid region, Central Asia faced serious environmental problems during its economic reconstruction after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including the drying up of the Aral Sea, increasing industrial pollution, and political tensions resulting from the uncoordinated management of shared water resources. This research aims to examine the environmental situation and sustainable development challenges in Central Asian countries since independence. It attempts to analyze the trend of environmental crises and reveal the necessity of regional cooperation and joint resource management. The central question of the research is how the environmental situation of Central Asia can be explained, given the scarcity of water and the shared exploitation of water resources. The research hypothesis is that the uncoordinated use of natural resources, especially the water resources of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins, has been one of the main factors in the emergence of environmental crises and a fundamental obstacle to achieving sustainable development. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is structured within the framework of Thomas Springs' four-stage methodology. The findings show that water resource scarcity, industrial pollution, soil erosion, and climate change threaten the environmental sustainability of region, and only through international cooperation and joint institution-building can the path to sustainable development in Central Asia be strengthened.

Abstract China's "One Belt, One Road" Initiative and Iran's Political Economy (2013-2021)

Abstract: The "One Belt, One Road" initiative, designed and implemented in 2013 as one of the largest economic projects, was proposed with the aim of strengthening China's position as a global power in the economic, trade, and political spheres. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is known as one of the key nodes of this plan due to its strategic location in the North-South and East-West transportation corridors, as well as its rich energy resources. The purpose of this research is to examine the opportunities and challenges of the "One Belt, One Road" initiative for Iran's political economy. The results indicate that this initiative can strengthen Iran's geopolitical position in the region, while developing key Iranian infrastructure, including transportation and energy, attracting foreign direct investment, and strengthening economic relations with countries along the path of the plan. But on the other hand, greater economic and political dependence on China, increased imports of Chinese goods, lack of transparency in investments, and problems resulting from international sanctions are among the challenges that Iran will face in dealing with this plan.

Abstract The present study examines the geopolitical challenges of exploiting oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea between Iran and Turkmenistan. The primary research question is what factors underlie the energy differences between the two countries and whether these differences are solely due to legal issues or are also influenced by national interests and pressure from transregional actors. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that existing geopolitical challenges are the result of a complex interaction among the legal structure, conflicting national interests, and competition between regional and transregional actors. The research method combines analytical and qualitative approaches, utilizing document content analysis and a review of specialized books and articles. Data were collected from written sources, agreements, Caspian conventions, and scientific articles and were examined based on three levels of analysis (structural, national and regional, and transregional). The findings show that the Caspian’s legal ambiguities, the pressure of sanctions and internal Iranian restrictions, Turkmenistan’s export strategies, and the influence of Russia, China, and the United States have all contributed to the persistence and intensification of disputes. These results confirm the research hypothesis and indicate that sustainable management of Caspian energy resources requires a combined approach of joint agreements, active diplomacy, and strengthening domestic capacity.

Abstract In this article, while objectively describing what happened in the past few years, the issue of Afghanistan's importance for Iran, the level of connection and solidarity between the two countries, how the threats from Afghanistan are increasing for Iran and to stabilize What should be done about these links and curbing the increasing threats.
The main question of this article is what Iran should do to control the threats from Afghanistan and stabilize the cultural and economic conditions in the Afghanistan
The claim of this article is that Iran is heavily involved in the costs and consequences of Afghanistan's problems, and it has no choice but to deal with the roots of Afghanistan's problems, and Iran is the only one that can. Iran should bring Afghanistan's issues to peace on the condition of adopting appropriate policies and management and mobilizing capabilities.
This linkage between two countries is unique among Iran's relations with other countries and even less so in the relations between the other two countries. At the same time, the issue of Afghanistan has been neglected in Iran for a long time and the necessary attention is not given to it in decision-making centers, decision-making centers and even research and academic centers. Iran has no other choices rather than takes Afghanistan issue as its top priority and help to solve the roots the problem

Abstract The literature of international relations suggests that domestic political and social interactions play a significant role in shaping the foreign policies of states. Within this framework, the present study aims to design and explain a model of political and social interactions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan and to explore how these interactions influence Iran’s foreign policy. The main research question is: how do Iran’s internal dynamics impact its foreign policy towards Azerbaijan? To answer this question, a sequential exploratory mixed-methods approach was adopted. In the qualitative phase, grounded theory and in-depth interviews were used to identify the main components of the interaction model. Subsequently, a quantitative phase using structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) tested the relationships among variables. The findings indicate that elements such as national interests, social participation, diplomatic inefficiencies, media control, and balance-oriented strategies play a vital role in shaping Iran’s foreign policy. The quantitative results confirmed the validity and reliability of the model and emphasized the importance of internal factors in foreign policy formulation.

Abstract The entrepreneurial ecosystem, as a dynamic platform shaped by the interaction of cultural, social, financial, and institutional factors, plays a crucial role in the success or failure of entrepreneurs. In recent years, Georgia has become an attractive destination for Iranian entrepreneurs due to its economic reforms, geopolitical position, and trade relations with Iran. However, operating within a non-native entrepreneurial ecosystem presents multiple challenges. The present study aims to identify the challenges faced by Iranian entrepreneurs in Georgia’s entrepreneurial ecosystem based on Isenenberg’s model. This research is applied in purpose and descriptive–survey in nature, employing a qualitative approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with managers, entrepreneurs with international experience, traders, and members of the Iran–Georgia Joint Chamber of Commerce, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed seven major categories of challenges: financing, domestic and foreign policy issues, cultural differences, weak legal and institutional support, limitations in human capital, market barriers, and security risks. These results indicate that although Georgia’s ecosystem offers potential opportunities, it requires joint supportive policies and medium- to long-term programs to facilitate Iranian entrepreneurs’ activities. Accordingly, strengthening bilateral economic cooperation, leveraging cultural commonalities, improving supportive regulations, and addressing financial constraints could enhance entrepreneurial relations between the two countries.

Abstract The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and their seizure of power in 2021 has once again revived legal and political debates surrounding the recognition of governments in international law. While most states and international organizations have refrained from officially recognizing the Taliban, the Russian Federation, by adopting a pragmatic approach, has pursued a path of gradual engagement and even some forms of informal recognition. This article, using comparative and legal analysis methods, examines whether Russia’s recognition of the Taliban aligns with or contradicts the principles and practices of international law. Within this framework, key concepts such as the distinction between “de facto” and “de jure” recognition, non-standard governments, and the transformations of the post-Western international order are explored. The article then analyzes the regional implications of this trend for the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These include Iran's use of the Taliban's ambiguous legal status to maintain security and diplomatic advantages, secure a rear front amid tensions with the West and Israel, and preserve its value as a bargaining chip for Russia in its negotiations with the West over Ukraine. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the need to reconsider legal frameworks of recognition in light of emerging geopolitical developments.

Abstract Following the October Revolution of 1917, the process of identity formation in the Soviet Union was profoundly shaped by Bolshevik socialist ideology. A central aspect of this ideology was the redefinition of the “woman question” and the deliberate construction of the so-called “New Soviet Woman,” envisioned as an individual capable of actively participating in family, political, and economic spheres. In this regard, institutions such as the Zhenotdel, operating under the banner of gender equality, endeavored to incorporate women as an essential and influential component of both the Party and state apparatus, providing them with educational, social, political, and professional opportunities. The Bolshevik project, through the creation of the myth of the “New Socialist Woman,” produced a novel gender identity that stood in explicit contrast to contemporary European models.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, however, precipitated profound structural and ideological transformations in Kazakhstan. The engagement of international organizations and NGOs, while ostensibly aimed at promoting gender equality, often served to consolidate market-oriented economic policies and reinforce Kazakh nationalist agendas, rather than substantially improving women’s social conditions. Consequently, many of the achievements attained by women during the Soviet period were eroded, and their social standing gradually declined. Although Soviet nation-building had played a critical role in the creation of a new female identity, post-Soviet nationalism and neoliberal reforms significantly hindered the persistence of these gains and exposed women to new socio-political challenges.

Abstract The emergence of small and medium-sized ports as vital nodes connecting remote areas in international transport is a dominant issue in global transport, given the importance of maritime and rail corridors. In recent years, the two small ports of Aktau and Kuryk have in recent years, through a clear and well-planned program, become one of the maritime transport nodes in several international corridors in the Caspian Sea, including the important Trans-Caspian Corridor and the Trasika Corridor. In addition, they play a major and very important role in the Chinese Belt and Road megaproject, and if the North-South Corridor is successful, they will be one of the key points of this project. ،This has been done through a clear and well-documented program. By examining this issue, this research seeks to investigate and prove the importance of small ports in the world, and especially in the Caspian Sea, for connecting important international corridors and ultimately their enormous impact on the regional and international economy. The research method is a combination of descriptive library and field research and uses the theories of developmental government and geoeconomics.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union not only reshaped the borders of the Caucasus region but also marked a turning point in the political and social transformations of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Among those affected were non-Azeri Iranian ethnic groups, particularly the Talysh people. This study aims to examine the post-Soviet conditions of these two ethnic groups by exploring their identity, political, and social dimensions. Given the lack of research on the cultural and social agency of these communities, this investigation is deemed necessary. Focusing on understudied ethnic groups can offer deeper insights into identity-based roles in regional developments and the cultural balance of the South Caucasus. Using concepts from contemporary political sociology and a multilayered theoretical framework—including cultural hegemony, identity politics, and the geopolitics of ethnicity—this research analyzes mechanisms of cultural resistance and the growth of identity awareness among these groups. Employing a qualitative approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, the study seeks to answer how the cultural, social, and historical capacities of the Talysh people can be interpreted within the proposed theoretical framework, and how these communities have responded to identity-erasing policies. The hypothesis suggests that due to state-driven homogenization and the absence of independent civil institutions, the Talysh possess limited capacity for political agency. Nevertheless, signs of cultural resistance and the strengthening of intra-group identity awareness are observable.

Abstract The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 marked a turning point in the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus region. During this conflict, Azerbaijan succeeded in regaining control over the surrounding areas of Nagorno-Karabakh after nearly three decades. Turkey’s role as a key regional actor was particularly significant. Unlike its approach in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War that limited to political support, Turkey adopted a more aggressive strategy in the second conflict, offering comprehensive political, military, and media support to Azerbaijan, thereby playing a crucial role in its victory.
The main question of this article is: what are the underlying causes of Turkey's aggressive approach during this conflict? To answer this question, the study employs the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, which argues that the foreign policy behavior of states is not solely determined by the structure of the international system. Instead, structural factors are filtered through domestic variables such as elite perceptions, strategic culture, and internal political considerations.
Accordingly, the main hypothesis of the article is that structural factors such as Russia’s passivity, Western indifference toward resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and Turkey’s strategic alliance with Azerbaijan were interpreted and mediated by domestic factors including the consensus among Turkish political elites, a nationalist and Turkic-oriented discourse, the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) interest in maintaining political power, and economic motivations. These combined dynamics ultimately led Turkey to adopt an aggressive foreign policy posture in the conflict. The research method is qualitative, based on a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract The presence of energy resources in Central Asia represents one of the most significant opportunities for the countries in the region to overcome economic and political crises following independence. The three Central Asian countries with fossil fuel reserves have, from the outset, sought to attract international investments to make the energy sector the central driver of their economic growth. This trend accelerated particularly with the rise in energy prices after the year 2000. Some scholars argue that the existence of these energy resources and the revenues generated from them have led to the formation of restricted and authoritarian political systems. However, others believe that the internal conditions of these countries are rooted in their history and political culture, and that without these resources, they would face even greater economic and political instability.On the other hand, the realist logic and intra-regional competition have been among the main obstacles to economic and energy cooperation within the region. This issue has typically been resolved when a regional or international power has acted as a facilitator and guarantor. International organizations and initiatives, such as the “Shanghai Energy Club” and “CAREC,” have been unable to effectively and broadly alter this realist logic, instead providing a platform for bilateral and trilateral cooperation among member countries. Examples of successful cooperation include China’s bilateral partnerships in gas with Turkmenistan and oil with Kazakhstan. China’s strategic approach in the Central Asian energy sector has aimed to reduce energy security challenges and create a balance against major powers, particularly Russia.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran and India differ significantly in their foreign policy orientations. While India, despite certain ups and downs, has largely aligned itself with the Western-led global order, Iran has consistently maintained a confrontational stance toward it. Despite these profound differences, the two countries have converged on certain geoeconomic issues—particularly in the South Caucasus and the development of the North-South Corridor—based on their respective national interests. This study seeks to answer the central question: What factors have contributed to the emergence of joint strategic approaches between Iran and India in the South Caucasus, and specifically regarding the development of the North-South Corridor? The hypothesis suggests that Iran’s unique geopolitical and geoeconomic characteristics—and their value to India—alongside the significant mutual benefits derived from this project, have facilitated bilateral cooperation in this shared endeavor. The findings indicate that although the project has achieved relative progress due to its shared advantages, the sustained pursuit of joint strategies in this domain remains contingent upon broader variables at the international system level as well as regional dynamics. Methodologically, this research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and is grounded in the theory of geoeconomics, relying on library-based sources, including academic articles, and specialized news platforms.

Abstract The Aras River is one of the major common water sources entering Iran, which has experienced a special hydropolitical situation in the context of time and as a result of the geopolitical relations of the coastal countries of this watershed. Therefore, the present study seeks to analyze the impact of the geopolitical relations pattern between these countries on its hydropolitical situation, emphasizing the components of water quality and environmental pollution. To achieve the aforementioned goal, a descriptive-analytical method and library resources, articles and reliable Internet databases, and the results of research related to the water quality of the Aras River have been used. According to the findings of the study, Armenia is known to be the main polluter of the Aras River, which pollutes the Aras River and reduces its water quality through industrial wastewater and heavy metals. However, the conflicting geopolitical alignments between the countries of the Aras River basin and, consequently, the interactive geopolitical relationship pattern between Iran and Armenia, and the two countries' location on one side of the regional geopolitical alignments, along with Armenia's upstream and hydropower location, have caused this country to not respond positively to control measures and prevent pollutants from entering the Aras, and the decline in water quality and environmental pollution has continued. Accordingly, it is necessary to create a legal structure in international forums and form a water-based organization with the aim of consensus-building, monitoring, and controlling the crisis-causing aspects of this basin, especially from the perspective of environmental pollution.

Abstract The North-South Corridor is an economic-political plan designed to facilitate transportation and, consequently, increase global trade exchanges. This plan, which is considered a strategic and important project for the countries along this corridor—namely Russia, Iran, Azerbaijan, and India, as well as the surrounding countries—can play a significant role in enabling these nations to benefit from its positive effects. Due to various geopolitical and geoeconomic reasons, Iran has become the focal point of this important and strategic project. This research aims to examine the role of the North-South Corridor in the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, utilizing the theoretical framework of neoliberalism and drawing on library and internet resources, employing a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, it seeks to answer the question of how the North-South Corridor can influence Iran's political economy. In response, the hypothesis is examined that the North-South Corridor can impact the political economy of the Islamic Republic of Iran by reducing transportation time and costs, increasing trade exchanges, enhancing geopolitical positioning, decreasing dependence on the West, and ultimately strengthening regional cooperation. The findings of the research confirm the research hypothesis and also indicate that the implementation of the mentioned plan will be important for facilitating and accelerating the process of de-dollarization and neutralizing Western sanctions.

Abstract Emerging powers have been recognized as a new form of power in the international arena. In this regard, some countries, including Iran, can be considered as an emerging power. The research question is: What is the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers in general and the foreign policy strategy of Iran in the Central Asian- the South Caucasus, and Southwest Asia? The research results show that emerging powers mainly use strategies such as hard balancing, Band wagoning, hedging, Accommodation, appeasement, and soft balancing to achieve their goals. In case of Iran, it should be noted that this country is trying to block American hegemony in Central Asia, in the framework of a soft balancing strategy, with the support of Russia and China. In the South Caucasus, it uses a strategy of hedging and balancing from the outside to contain Türkiye and the Republic of Azerbaijan. this country uses different strategies in Southwest Asia and its various subregions. For example, in the Levant, a hard balancing act is being pursued to contain Israel and accommodation to contain Türkiye. In the Persian Gulf, it has used hedging to contain the UAE-Saudi Arabia axis. The aim of this research is to examine the foreign policy strategy of emerging powers, with an emphasis on the foreign policy strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the two environments of Central Asia - Caucasus and Southwest Asia. The research method used is a theory-case matching and qualitative comparison method using a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Deep geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus have had a significant impact on the relations between Iran and the Republic of Armenia. The geographical location and strategic importance have turned this region into one of the most important regions in the world, and the active presence of regional and extra-regional actors has had a direct impact on this relationship. This research seeks to evaluate the behavioral pattern of Iran and Armenia in the South Caucasus region, especially after the changes caused by the Second Karabakh War in 2020, because the Second Karabakh War changed the balance of regional power, the strategic environment and the perspective of arrangements. It has revolutionized the geopolitics of the South Caucasus. In this regard, the main question of the research is raised in this way, what was the behavior pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards Armenia in the South Caucasus region? Using the concept of geo-polynomics, it is argued that Tehran's behavioral pattern to maintain the balance of power in the South Caucasus region is to expand the political, security and economic relationship with Armenia, especially after the second Karabakh war; Of course, geopolinomic concZangzor Corridor and military-intelligence exchange have remained strong, which after 2020 will increase tensions in the South Caucasus, especially between Iran and the opposite bloc. which includes Azerbaijan, Turkey and thonist regime. We do this important based on the descriptive-analytical approach using qualitative research methods that have been used in collecting information from documentary-library sources and authentic cyberspace websites.

Abstract Problem Statement: The political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy encompass processes through which states adopt and implement foreign policy and respond to the foreign policies of other countries. The literature of international relations emphasizes that domestic politics plays a fundamental role in shaping foreign policy. Therefore, this research aims to identify the pattern of political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with Azerbaijan.
Methodology: This research adopts a qualitative approach using the grounded theory method. The study's target population includes senior government officials, policymakers, and professors in the field of foreign policy and international relations. Sampling was conducted purposively and snowballing, with data gathered through exploratory interviews.
Findings: Data analysis revealed that the pattern of political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with Azerbaijan consists of five main components: causal conditions (national interests, realism, domestic policies, countering sanctions, etc.), contextual conditions (support, service to elites, participation, trust-building, etc.), intervening factors (weak diplomacy, economic problems, executive inefficiencies), strategies (balancing, de-escalation, controlling public opinion and media, strengthening hard power), and outcomes (economic development, strengthening economic alliances, etc.).
Results: The findings of this research highlight the importance of identifying the various dimensions of the political and social interactions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy with neighboring countries, particularly the Republic of Azerbaijan. These results can assist policymakers in the field of international relations in improving and enhancing political and social interactions.

Abstract Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia pursued various strategies to maintain influence within its near abroad. Several post-Soviet institutions emerged against a backdrop of evolving relations with the West and the rise of integrationist concepts like Neo-Eurasianism, which emphasizes regional cooperation and a distinct identity. The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), established in 2015 by Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan, is a key initiative designed to foster deep economic integration, partially inspired by the European Union model. This article investigates the integration trajectory of the EAEU between 2015 and 2022, addressing the question: What were the primary trends and dynamics shaping the EAEU's integration path during this period? Employing the analytical frameworks of Neo-Functionalism and Neoliberal Institutionalism, the research finds that the EAEU achieved notable success in building institutions, developing common regulations, and establishing standards, aligning with Neo-Functionalist expectations of progress in formal structures. However, progress in practical economic integration—a core focus analyzed through the lens of Neoliberal Institutionalism's emphasis on achieving cooperative gains—lagged significantly. Specifically, the establishment of a fully operational common market, the consistent application of common external customs tariffs, and the implementation of coordinated economic policies experienced considerable delays during the period studied.

Abstract  
Seeking to counterbalance international unilateralism, Iran employs a strategy that combines domestic strengths with strategic partnerships, viewing institutions like BRICS as vital platforms. Motivated by a revisionist perspective on the global order, Iran actively cultivates relationships with emerging powers while opposing cooperation with established hegemonic forces. Key objectives, pursued through BRICS membership, include strengthening Iran's geopolitical position and working to delegitimize and contain perceived unilateralist hegemony.

Abstract US sanctions against Iran have severely hampered production, employment, business activity, and development projects, thereby decreasing economic efficiency and national income. Consequently, amid the growth of regional cooperation and the formation of economic blocs, Iran has increasingly viewed the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a vital platform for economic partnership. This research aims to identify the opportunities that membership in the EAEU could offer Iran for countering unilateral US sanctions. The central research question is: How can membership in the EAEU enable Iran to counter sanctions and mitigate their economic impact? Key identified opportunities include enhanced cooperation among sanctioned states, the application of preferential tariffs, the development of a stronger regional Asian focus, and expanded intra-regional trade. This is an applied study employing a mixed-methods design. Guided by the theoretical framework of modern regionalism, the research uses a descriptive-inferential approach and content analysis to test its central hypothesis.

Abstract Strategic culture is the quintessence of the attitude of elites and society towards the concept of power and its use in the world and surrounding environment.The indicators of strategic culture are influenced by four main sources, including religion and ideology, the structure of the international system, geography and geopolitics, and historical experiences. The question of the article is that how the influence of religion and ideology was on the strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Russian Federation and What are the similarities and differences between the both together? The hypothesis of the article is that the Russian Orthodox discourse and the Shia Islam discourse, by shaping the Russia and Iran strategic perception, has defined the boundaries of their thinking and behavior in a way that has acquired a quasi-divine status. The most important common dimension of the religion role in the strategic culture of these two countries is “Determining collective identity and demarcation of identity” and "Strengthening the sense of exceptionalism" And the most important differences are based on "geopolitical expansionism vs justiceism" and "Inspirationism and semanticism vs profit-oriented pragmatism and materialistic goal" and "ethnic nationalism vs Islamic internationalism. In this article, the research method is Explanatory-analytical and the data was collected through a library.

Abstract Among the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan has special importance for Israel due to its geographical location and being on the west and east routes. This regime has started relations with Azerbaijan for three decades and has entered a new stage in recent years. Given the above explanations the question arises, where is Azerbaijan's position and role in Israel's national security strategy? And what is Israel's approach to the development of relations with Azerbaijan? The underlying hypothesis is that Israel's approach to relations with Azerbaijan can be understood in light of the concept of strategic depth and the pursuit of Israel's security needs. From this point of view, the development of relations with Baku is important for the continuation of Israel's life. The results show that Israel seeks to turn Azerbaijan into the strategic depth of this regime in the South Caucasus to overcome its geopolitical weaknesses and repel its military threats. Also, this measure helps Tel Aviv to strengthen its deterrent strategy against Iran. Israel's nesting in Azerbaijan and the development of these relations in military-security dimensions can affect Iran's national security and lead to Iran's distance from Azerbaijan and make colder relations between the two countries. To conduct the article, the explanatory method has been used and the data was gathered through the library method.

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the longest international crises officially started on February 20, 1988. As an important and influential actor in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced the crisis caused by the occupation of lands by Armenia after gaining independence. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict later turned into an international crisis due to the intervention of some foreign powers. It is believed that Turkey's support for the Republic of Azerbaijan is an attempt to expand its sphere of influence both by increasing Baku's position in the conflict and by marginalizing the influence of Iran and Russia in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran's concern about insecurity spilling over into its northwestern borders while opposing foreign intervention in this crisis, it wants to resolve the conflict emphasizing diplomacy and direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The main question of the research is, what strategy do Iran and Turkeye follow regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? The research hypothesizes that Turkeye is trying to fundamentally change the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh in Baku's favor by developing comprehensive relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and securing its regional goals and policies. On the other hand, while opposing any change in its northern borders, Iran has adopted a policy of neutrality towards Karabagh. However, the significant change in the military balance in favor of the Republic of Azerbaijan following the 2020 war has led Tehran to withdraw from its traditional policy of neutrality and openly support the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The qualitative analysis method was used to analyze the data of this research.