‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020 and its impact on Other regional and international actors showed the geopolitical importance of this region and the effects of these crises on Iran, therefore, the present research is aimed at answering this question: What threats will the Zangez-Zor Corridor construction program have against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? And in this regard, using the theory of regional security, the hypothesis has been proposed that the creation of Zangezzor Corridor in the territory of Armenia, based on the plans announced by the Republic of Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, can change the regional balance of power to the detriment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Therefore, the advancement of this project is considered a security threat against the geopolitical and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most important of which are: the possibility of changing the geopolitical borders by blocking the land border between Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing national sovereignty and territorial integrity by advancing the Pan-Turkic plan and reviving Azari ethnocentrism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of the country. Also, descriptive analytical method has been used in this research and library information collection method has been used.

Abstract Abstract: The " Belt and Road" initiative, designed and implemented in 2013 as one of the largest economic projects, was proposed with the aim of strengthening China's position as a global power in the economic, trade, and political spheres. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is known as one of the key nodes of this plan due to its strategic location in the North-South and East-West transportation corridors, as well as its rich energy resources. The purpose of this research is to examine the opportunities and challenges of the " Belt and Road" initiative for Iran's political economy. The results indicate that this initiative can strengthen Iran's geopolitical position in the region, while developing key Iranian infrastructure, including transportation and energy, attracting foreign direct investment, and strengthening economic relations with countries along the path of the plan. But on the other hand, greater economic and political dependence on China, increased imports of Chinese goods, lack of transparency in investments, and problems resulting from international sanctions are among the challenges that Iran will face in dealing with this plan.

Abstract In the era of globalization, national branding at the international level carries great significance, as it can create a strategic competitive advantage in interactions with other states. Sputnik news agency, functioning as one of the instruments of Russia’s public diplomacy on the international stage and operating in multiple languages, has attracted a substantial Persian-speaking audience to its Persian-language platforms. In this context, the twelve-day war of aggression against Iran provided a suitable opportunity for Sputnik to pursue activities aimed at promoting Russia’s national brand and influencing Iranian public opinion in that direction. Using content analysis combined with thematic-network analysis, this study sought to answer the question: what public-diplomacy strategies did the Telegram channel of the state media outlet Sputnik Iran employ for Russia’s national branding among Persian-speaking audiences during the period of the war? Ultimately, five overarching themes related to Russia’s branding were identified in the messages of this state channel: Russia as civilized; Russia as rational and moderate; Russia’s power; the robust relations between Iran and Russia; and the West’s efforts to preserve its hegemony. These pervasive themes are interpreted as part of Russia’s “othering” of the West and the United States and as an attempt to reinforce Russia’s soft power.

Abstract The growing differences between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as the two world superpowers, have taken on broad dimensions and encompassed various political, economic, security, and ideological arenas. These differences, which range from trade and technology disputes to human rights and regional security issues, have not only affected their bilateral relations but also challenged international stability and order. This article, by examining documents such as UN resolutions and bilateral declarations, as well as data such as economic indicators and trade statistics, and using content analysis, attempts to examine the prospects for resolving the US-China differences from the perspective of international law. The main question of the article is that given the deep and widespread differences between the US and China, is the current international legal framework capable of effectively managing and resolving these differences, or do we need new and innovative approaches in interpreting and implementing international law to adapt to the new geopolitical and economic realities of the world? The findings of the article show that international law, by providing legal frameworks and mechanisms, can play an important role in managing and reducing these tensions. Focusing on concepts such as sovereignty, non-intervention, peaceful resolution of disputes, and commitment to international treaties can provide solutions to reduce tensions and create a basis for cooperation.

Abstract Critical minerals have become a central concern of supply security, yet in landlocked Central Asia the geoeconomic value of mineral resources depends not only on extraction and processing but also on the ability to move output through reliable, substitutable, and financeable corridors. This article explains how competition over critical minerals extends into corridor competition and assesses the conditions under which Iran can convert locational advantage into operational centrality. It develops an analytical framework linking geoeconomic instruments, networked interdependence, regional agency, corridor performance, transaction risk, and traceability, and distinguishes four stages: asset, capacity, capability, and realized flow. Empirically, the study combines structured documentary comparison, multi-source secondary data, process tracing, and an embedded case study of Chabahar over 2021–2026. The findings show that mineral competition does not create corridor rivalry from zero; rather, it raises the strategic value of routes able to attract and retain flows under acceptable levels of cost, time, reliability, legal-financial risk, and informational traceability. Central Asian agency also depends on usable, not merely announced, alternatives. Iran possesses a genuine southern option, but available evidence does not support claims of established centrality. Its position is better understood as conditional centrality: geography and infrastructure create entry potential, while sustained mineral flows require measurable improvements in border performance, transaction conditions, multimodal connectivity, and end-to-end traceability.

Abstract Situated between the Caucasus and the Indian Ocean, the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a strategic position with the capacity to influence the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea, Afghanistan, and even Pakistan. This has granted Iran particular significance for emerging powers. Recognizing the dynamics of the international system, Iran has implicitly adopted a "Look to the East" strategy. Given the growing importance of China and India in global and regional developments, assessing their foreign policies toward Iran is essential to understanding prospects for future cooperation. The central question of this study is: What behavioral models have these emerging powers followed in their engagement with Iran since 2015? Using a hypothesis-testing approach based on the theoretical model of emerging powers’ behavior and conducting a comparative analysis of relevant documents, the findings reveal that both China and India have pursued pragmatic and cooperative approaches toward Iran. Their behavior is driven by factors such as economic interests, energy security, regional stability, and geopolitical considerations. Among the two, China has demonstrated a more consistent and assertive application of this behavioral model.

Abstract The present research analyzes the geopolitical developments in the South Caucasus and their impact on the dynamics of relations between Nikol Pashinyan’s government and the Armenian diaspora from 2018 to 2024. The central issue is to explain why and how the diaspora’s status in Yerevan’s foreign policy equations has shifted. Using a qualitative method and a documentary-analytical approach within the framework of diaspora diplomacy, this article argues that following the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War and the fall of Artsakh, the political influence of the diaspora (especially in France and the US) has been reduced from a “strategic partner” to a “financial and humanitarian supporter.” Findings indicate that while Armenian lobbies have been successful in public diplomacy and resource mobilization, they face structural limitations in influencing macro-security decisions. Ultimately, to ensure national security and normalize relations with neighbors, the Armenian government has limited the diaspora’s political agency, shifting its strategic paradigm from “diaspora-centric idealism” to “state-centric realism.”

Abstract In recent years, soft power has emerged as one of the principal pillars of countries' foreign policies, particularly in strategically vital regions such as the South Caucasus. This article addresses the fundamental question of how the Islamic Republic of Iran can leverage its soft power capacities to counter the expansion of relations among Turkey, Israel, and the Republic of Azerbaijan in the South Caucasus—relations that, relying on security, economic, and transit linkages, have influenced the regional balance of power. The research methodology is based on content analysis of official documents, credible scholarly sources, and secondary data spanning the period from 2010 to 2024, employing the theoretical framework of Nye and Papp. The study's hypothesis posits that the targeted application of the Islamic Republic of Iran's soft power components—through enhancing regional legitimacy and persuasive power—can lead to a reduction in the geopolitical influence of the Turkey–Israel–Azerbaijan cooperation in the South Caucasus. Four key strategies are examined: preventing access to territory, wedging diplomacy, demonstrating national resolve for balancing, and delegitimizing the hegemon. The findings indicate that Iran, by capitalizing on shared cultural and historical ties, religious diplomacy, and active participation in regional institutions, can effectively resist these relations and consolidate and strengthen its position within the security architecture of the South Caucasus.

Abstract Energy governance is a set of formal and informal processes, institutions, and mechanisms that are designed and implemented with the aim of regulating the interactions of various actors in the energy supply chain. In the first part of this research, a theoretical framework has been developed through documentary and library methods. Another part of this article examines the Russian nuclear energy governance system through the “case study” method.
The findings of the article show that Russia has been able to create an appropriate separation of duties and authorities in the nuclear energy sector at three levels of policy-making, regulation, and service provision. The policy-making level is mainly in the hands of upstream government and legislative institutions such as the Federal Presidency, the State Duma, the Ministry of Energy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The regulation level is also in the hands of independent regulatory bodies and specialized organizations such as the Federal Service for Ecological, Technological and Nuclear Supervision, the Ministry of Environment, the Non-Profit Market Council, and the Federal Antimonopoly Service, which are responsible for tasks such as ensuring safety, standardization, issuing licenses, regulating the market, and the tariff system. Finally, the service provision level is in the hands of State-owned Company Rosatom and its subsidiaries. Creating a three-layer structure with a clear separation of duties and authorities between policymaking, regulation and service provision is one of the most important lessons that is also recommended for the Iranian nuclear industry.

Abstract In recent years, the inefficiency and sluggishness of traditional multilateral institutions in Eurasia have prompted states to seek alternative, more flexible arrangements. This study analyzes agreements based on minilateralism in Eurasia and focuses on why states, alongside multilateral institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union, turn to smaller, more flexible pacts. The main research question asks why these agreements form, and the hypothesis states that they emerge primarily as complementary mechanisms to multilateral institutions, in response to the limitations and sluggishness of traditional institutions, as states seek a faster, more targeted, and less costly mechanism to address regional threats and opportunities. Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach through document review and case studies, the research examines the structural, security-geopolitical, and economic factors shaping these agreements and their differences from traditional multilateral institutions. The findings indicate that these agreements operate primarily as complementary mechanisms alongside traditional multilateral institutions and, under conditions of institutional gridlock, provide capacity for more effective and flexible coordination among member states. Finally, the article highlights the importance of these arrangements in redefining patterns of regional cooperation and in understanding future power dynamics in Eurasia.

Abstract Russia’s current policy towards Ukraine can be seen as a prominent example of regionalism and re-territorialization, based on geopolitical considerations and the redefinition of regional identities. Within this framework, the Kremlin, using a set of “signifiers” and discursive tools, especially the media, attempts to produce, represent, and solidify its preferred narrative of the conflict. The main goal of this article is to analyze the role of the Russian media in creating and disseminating the Kremlin’s official narratives as a means of legitimizing the war against Ukraine and influencing public opinion in both Russian and Ukrainian societies. By depicting the Russia-Ukraine conflict as a narrative story, the present study explains the crisis through the narrative beliefs and semantic frameworks of political leaders and elites. The media war between the two sides has been an arena of intense linguistic and discursive interactions in which language, terms, and concepts are strategically used to shape public perceptions and normalize violence. The central question of the article is how legitimizing strategies have been used in the discourse of the Russian media in 2022 to justify the “special military operation” against Ukraine, and how they relate to each other. The research hypothesis is based on the assumption that the Russian media have legitimized the discourse of the war by simultaneously employing the strategies of moral evaluation/altruism, authority and expert voice, hypothetical future, mythologizing, and rationalization; in such a way that the moral evaluation strategy,

Abstract Since its independence in 1990, Kazakhstan, as one of the leading countries in Central Asia, has considered following a balanced multilateral foreign policy model in international and regional interactions with Eastern powers (including China and Russia) and Western powers (including the European Union and the United States). Efforts to benefit from “multi-level and indivisible” mutual interests, pursuing “mutual procedures and principles,” as well as taking action and action at the “reciprocal” level in relations and interactions with regional and trans-regional actors are on the agenda of this country’s governance. The process of these interactions and relations can be examined in the framework of the “balanced multilateralism” model. In this paper, the levels of this relationship are examined case by case and in relation to four actors; China and Russia (in the form of Eastern actors) and the United States and the European Union (in the form of Western actors) will be explained and analyzed. The data collection method in this paper is the use of a library model and is based on a descriptive-analytical model in terms of methodology. The results of the research show that the pursuit of the "independent", "interactive", "pluralistic" and "intelligent" model of Kazakhstan's foreign policy towards Russia, China, as well as the United States and the European Union, has occurred and continued in the form of multilateral balancing.