‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract         The collapse of the Soviet Union provided a good opportunity for the United States to expand its influence in the newly established countries in the region. This was specially the case for the countries in the caucuses namely Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan due to their geo-economic and geo-strategic significance. This paper is an attempt to explore the perception of the United States of this region and then to evaluate and examine the US foreign policy towards this region. It is also the aim of this article to analyses the response of other regional players such as Iran and Russia  in this regard.

Abstract       This article deals with Tehran-Moscow relations in two past decades, investigating Iran and Russia attitudes towards one another, their cooperation in economic, military, regional, international fields and, finally putin's visit to Tehran as the turning point of these interactions. It is shown that Iran and Russia have found a proper ground for their cooperation in the post-neighborhood period, because of mutual understanding regarding new geopolitical conditions, a sense of domestic needs and pressures from international system. But these relations have not reached a satisfactory level due to historical schemas and beaurocratic inefficiencies.

Abstract          Holding the second summit of littoral states of the Caspian Sea on October 16^th, 2007 is a great success for Islamic Republic of Iran's diplomacy. The first summit on 2002 not only did not produce a concrete result, but also jeopardized the political and security status of the region. In the summit of Tehran, the second political document including 25 articles was agreed among the heads of littoral states. The Future of the Caspian Sea is in line with the plan drawn in Tehran Summit.

Abstract One way to integrating neighboring countries is through environmental cooperation. The Caspian Sea Environmental Convention signed on 5 November 2003 in Tehran to cooperatively protect and restore the environment of the Sea, pollution control, coastal management and sustainable extraction of sturgeon stocks has entered into force in August 2007 after signing all member states. But the mere convention is inadequate to protect the Caspian environment, and there needs to some institutional arrangements, monitoring systems and operational protocols to be enforced among the members, and as such mechanisms and anticipated protocols have not yet became operational, the Convention for the protection of the Caspian Sea Environment has not yet effectively put into force. This article deals with the institutional and operational deficiencies of the Caspian environment Convention. .

Abstract Since its independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has so far faced with several political crises. Its people dissatisfaction of inappropriate performances by the political system in solving the problems of society, resulted to a wave of protests, objections and finally revolutions against the two governments of Asker Akayev toppled on 24 March 2005        (the Tulip Revolution) and of Kurmanbek Bakiyev toppled in April 2010 (the Colorless Revolution).             Analyzing the issue through theories of two main orthodox political sociologists: Max Weber and Lucien Pie, this article is trying to find from the perspective of political sociology, the main reason made Kyrgyzstan so unstable in the Central Asia and the factors affecting the formation of political crises in Kyrgyzstan since its independence to the collapse of the Tulip Revolution in April 2010. To the author's view, managing the political crisis in Kyrgyzstan is only possible through inhibition of crossover crises as well as institutionalization of nation building process and the government's ability to keep its monopoly in using force. This research is based on literature sources and descriptive-analytical methodology.

Abstract Nagorno-Karabakh is an autonomous region situated in the vicinity of Armenia borders and the west of AzerbaijanRepublic. Although this region is controlled by Armenians, neither Armenia nor any other country in the world recognize KarabakhRepublic. The region has been the scene of conflict between two republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia since their independence. The aim of this article is to analyze the dimensions and levels of intervention in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in accordance with Geopolitical Crisis concept and its fundamentals.  As to the findings of the research, non-adaptation of geographical borders with ethnic, religious and cultural borders in Caucasus region; communist leaders' political approach to Soviet republics and ethnic groups; strong positions of the conflict parties to each other; the factor of foreign actors competition; the balance of power relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan Republic and at least Armenian's negative historical mentality and fear of blockade, are the most important factors intensifying Karabakh crisis.

Abstract Relations with regional and trans-regional powers such as Russia have always been a major theme in foreign relations of the Central Asian and the Caucasus countries after gaining independence. Thanks to internal problems and security concerns and in order to maximize their interests in different realms of political, economic and security affairs, these countries have always welcomed the strategy of alliances and coalitions.             Of course, the culture of multilateral cooperation among central Asian and Caucasus countries has not yet been institutionalized. Due to some animosities and difficulties among this region’s states, they welcome multilateral institutions. The survival of these countries is being threatened by terrorism, extremism, ethnic and racial conflicts, segregations and inefficiency of governments as well. Seemingly, the complexity and interconnectedness of the Central Asian and Caucasus issues are too severe to be resolved through bilateral relations. Therefore, multilateral cooperation among and within all governments, organizations and unions may be deemed necessary as a strategy for the countries' external relations in the region.

Abstract The Russian Gazprom, one of the world's leading oil giants, is not only dominating over most Russian gas resources, but have made a vast attempt to seize the world energy markets as well. Accordingly, the company is now enjoying a prominent position in the strategic energy equation. Without any support from Russian government, Gazprom could have not actualized the dream. Aiming at examining the stance of Gazprom in the World energy equations, the article is to explore the company's attempt to expand its global markets.

Abstract The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) which is currently recognized as the most significant grouping in Central Eurasia has been under a great deal of scrutiny since its very inception. However, there have been lots of discussions about the organization’s true nature and main working sphere. With regard to the fact that the security concerns have been the most important pretext for forming the SCO and the security factor has always been of a greater importance on the organization’s agenda, this article tries to analyze the extent of which    the SCO has been able to resolve the security concerns of the member states successfully. While introducing the most important security threats in Central Asia, this article shows that the SCO has been able to resolve the security threats of the member states at three levels (international, regional and domestic) and thus, has organized the first real framework for the effective multilateral security cooperation in the region. However, a set of factors, such as historical rivalries and mistrust and the westward policies among some of the member states has prevented the organization to reach the optimum level of its activities.

Abstract After the Cold War, relationships among the European countries and Russia entered into a new phase. Despite the rise in of interactions between Brussels and Moscow through cooperation agreements, 1994 Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, Energy Roadmap 2050, and other partnerships in such regards as fighting against terrorism and WMDs, these two actors are in wide divergences and rivalries in some areas. Although economic significance of Russia for Europe has been on the rise during recent years, there have been major vicissitudes in political relations. In its new presidency period of Putin, Russia has been making fresh attempts to gain its previous position. In many cases, however, Moscow’s interests and values are put in stark contrast with those of Europe’s. In the present study, divergence and rivalry dimensions between the EU and Russia are to be investigated. Areas like energy (in spite of interdependencies), renovation, South Caucasus, common neighborhood, and security are, as believed by the authors, confronting major disagreements.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union and the recognition of fourteen independent republics eliminated the historical borders of the former Soviet Union with its southern and eastern neighbors; and on the other hand, created a tempting buffer zone for the competition and hegemony of regional and extra-regional powers. Among the regional contenders of hegemony, Turkey enjoys a special place due to its lingual and somehow historical shared background with the newly independent republics. Cultural diplomacy is considered as one of the most significant tools to achieve the goals and national interests of Turkey in Central Asia. It is manifested by the Turkish political elite attempting to introduce Turkey as a "model of development". The present paper aims to investigate the application of Turkish cultural diplomacy in Central Asian republics in order to systematically and clearly study Ankara diplomacy and be a useful source for a better and more coherent process of its perceptions in comparison to other variables.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an extraordinary opportunity for China to enforce political and economic process in the Central Asian region. Proximity of the border of China and the Central Asian countries with rapid economic growth of China, have imposed certain conditions on Central Asian countries' relations with it. In general, bilateral relations between China and the countries of this region are not excepted from universal process of economic diplomacy of Beijing. Existence of considerable energy resources in strategic region of Central Asia has caused Beijing to pay more attention to the region. In addition to geopolitical neighborhood and special importance of this region for China, Beijing leaders are developing economic relations with countries in the region as their foreign policy agenda to maintain social and political stability inside the country, particularly in border areas such as Xinjiang. The insecurity in the western borders of Muslim province of Xinjiang, which is on the border of China and Central Asian countries; has forced China to develop relations with the Central Asian republics.    Also, the influence of United States on Central Asia after September 11, 2001 has been a far-fetched incident for the Chinese and overall strategy of China towards its neighbors. The combination of these factors affected Chinese foreign policy and its conduced of objectives and interests in the Central Asian has undergone special considerations and strategies.            The main question of this article is that whether China can upgrade its position as to the first grade in competition with the major powers to become the first power in the Central Asia? Our hypothesis is that, due to the increasing presence of US and Russia in the economy of the region, China probably cannot gain first place in relations with Central Asian states until the next decade.  

Abstract The Republics of Azerbaijan and Armenia as the two main parties in the Karabakh conflict try to strengthen their positions through the principles of international law. Azerbaijan addresses the principle of territorial integrity of the UN and as per many international treaties and likewise conventions claiming the need of withdrawal for Armenian military forces from Karabakh and specifically denying the independence announcement of this area. However, Armenia and Self-proclaimed Republic of Karabakh adhere to the principle of self-determination, in the consent of independence of Mountainous Karabakh and even its incorporation with Armenia to be assumed the right of the local people. They also believe that, in this regard, a referendum held in 1993, and since then, several presidential, parliamentary and local authority elections have been held in Karabakh.
The purpose of this article is to assess occupation of Karabakh, the positions of the parties and the players in this conflict from the perspective of the international law. As a matter of fact, this article seeks to answer the following question: To what extent the adherence to the principle of territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and Armenian separatists in Karabakh and Armenia stance on the principle of self-determination, is reasonable and is in accordance with international law? Are these two principles which are called by the international lawyers as jus cogens, in conflict with each other or the two sides of the Karabakh conflict are having a unidirectional concept of the issue? A provisional answer to this question as an assumption is that after the end of the colonial period, as per international law, for ethnic minorities within the country, the right of self-determination is excluding the territorial separatism and decomposition but including the right of participation in the election of executive, legislative authorities and other aspects of civic and political contribution, as well as to preserve the cultural heritage.

Abstract The importance of Ukraine as one of the most cosmopolitan countries in the world due to its "geopolitical", "strategic" and "geo-economical" characteristics has made this country one of the most important topics in the competition between Russia and the USA in the international field. The USA and the West's efforts to promote Western values ​​and the promotion of democracy in Ukraine, Ukraine's membership in NATO and the European Union, are all indications of the effort to remove this country from Russia's orbit. Therefore, since each of the two sides act in a different manner, no end to the current conflict between Russia and the West led by the USA can be envisioned and expected. In such circumstances, and in consideration of the recent developments, the question arises whether defensive realism can explain Russia's foreign policy towards the crisis in Ukraine or not? It seems due to factors such as overall strength and power, geographical proximity, offensive power, and aggressive intentions, defensive realism is capable of clarifying and explaining Russia's foreign policy in regards to the Ukraine crisis.

Abstract New security environment of the structure of the international system has led to widespread and common challenges and threats to NATO and Russia as well. Therefore, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has focused its new strategic concept in Lisbon (2010) on the effective activities in three main areas of collective defense, crisis management and security cooperation and emphasizes that the threats of the third millennium has paved the way for NATO's further role in trans-Atlantic alliance and the whole international system and it has necessitated the redefinition of NATO's strategic concept of the alliance and its cooperation with Russia. This research paper attempts to show that due to the emergence of new common threat, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has conducted security cooperation with Russia in areas such as terrorism, Afghanistan and  missile defense shield which has consequently brought the two leading actors of the international system together. Russia and NATO have understood that the new security threats of international security, which in many cases are regarded as the common threats of the two actors, can be investigated and resolved only through cooperative security cooperation. Acknowledging this reality, the new Strategic Concept has enhanced security cooperation between NATO and Russia

Abstract Since long ago, competitions and rivalries have always been observed among major world powers as different actors. In this process, major powers have sought to extend their area of influence over the whole regions of the globe. These powers utilize all possible facilities and instruments to translate into reality their interests and purposes. Therefore, international diplomacy has been analyzed based on the competition index among major powers. One of the areas over which rivalries have been intense is the Central Asia and Caucasus, which witnessed a sort of power vacuum after collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.  Geo-political, geo-strategic, and geo-economic conditions of these areas have provoked major powers to bear vehement inclination for attendance and playing role therein. As two key actors in international system, China and the United States have made tremendous efforts to stabilize their influence over the Central Asian states in recent past. In the present article, areas of rivalry between the US and China in Central Asia will be under sharp focus.

Abstract

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in several phases and various ways, Russian governmental properties were surrendered to buyers. Subsequently, many individuals gained enormous economic power and thus started exercising political influence and interfering in the macro decision making of the country. After Vladimir Putin took power, these so-called oligarchs were forced to change their ways. The article starts with the question of Putin's policy toward these individuals and ends with how this policy changed the situation created by              Russia's oligarchs. The article argues that by drafting the "equal distance" law, Putin sought for restoring power in Kremlin and to reserve clear boundary with the oligarchs and the owners of large commercial firms. From this moment, the oligarchs have been dispersed to Russia's regions and districts and at the federal level have become less effective, though still more loyal than Yeltsin era.

Abstract The role of norms in behavior of actors and the concept of “Normative Foreign Policy” are subject of interest for some theories of international relations. Based on these deliberations, some scholars aimed to apply this theoretical concept in international politics. In line with these efforts, some European researchers introduced the European Union as a normative actor and coined the concept of “Normative Power Europe”. The advocates of Normative Power Europe believe that the European Union is a distinct actor in international politics as well as a benign power whose foreign policy is not merely based on limited material interests but also on normative aims. Among the spheres of this self-regarded normative foreign policy is the policy of the EU towards its neighborhood.
The present article aims to assess the foreign policy of the EU towards Belarus and to verify to what extent this policy was in line with variables of normative foreign policy. The authors believe that while in some aspects the foreign policy of the EU possesses some normative variables, it is not in a position to be named as normative foreign policy. Therefore, the concept of Normative Power Europe is to some extent exaggerated. 

Abstract Region word is mutant concept in political term, That’s mean, predefined regions will altered over the time with Political climate. Central Asia in cold war period was a part of Soviet Union.  After the collapse of the Soviet Union  five republics became independent in this area. During the first half of Nineties decade, Most of researchers were believing that Central Asia, Caucasus, Baltic States & Eastern Europe has not  Separate identities. But Gradually  in  the second half of this decade Central Asia Studied as distinct region. Expanding the Central Asia borders was raised coincide with occurrence the New Great Game in this region. Greater Central Asia plan is Consequence of this Process. Up to now Different interpretations of Greater Central Asia have been presented. This Article follows the American Greater Central Asia narrative and tries to answer the below questions. Whether Greater Central Asia  can be implementation? What are the forwarded Restrictions of this project? What is the main aftermath of Greater Central Asia plan? “The main Consequence of Greater Central Asia plan is reduces China & Russia influence in region. Greater Central Asia plan have faced with complex of security barriers. China & Russia’s Opposition will Prevent Implementation of this plan.” We will examine above  hypothesis With applying the Regional Security Complex theory.
 
 

Abstract Russian foreign policy is derived from thoughts which are rooted in the existing thought schools in the thinking environment. The essence of these schools has been studied sporadically, but the certain classification of these schools and their impacts on the process of formation of Russian foreign policy towards Iran has not yet been studied. In this case, the present study has raised several questions to consider this issue: What is the position of Iran in the contemporary thought schools of Russian foreign policy? Why has Iran been unable to have an appropriate position in Russian foreign policy? What are the influential thought schools in Russia foreign policy? How do these schools consider Iran? In this regard, by taking advantages of the research carried out by specialists in the field and based on the notion that Iran has got the important position in the schools of Eurasianism and Statism, and less important position in the schools of Atlanticism and nationalism, we have found out the different positions of Iran in these thought schools, and volatile and contradictory approaches of the Russian foreign policy towards Iran is caused by different attitudes and thought schools during historical experiences and past economic historyand political evolutions. In other words, these changes in Russian foreign policy have been induced by Russian domestic issues and the resulting talks rather than international evolutions.

Abstract Using educational capabilities, especially in the higher educational domain to develop mutual understanding and make appositive image of a country is called educational diplomacy which is considered under cultural diplomacy. Nowadays, many countries employing university communication channel try to increase their soft power. Educational exchange and establishing university branches in different parts of the world, in particular, those which have common cultural domains, enable countries to increase their impacts through interacting with elites and university educated people. Academics as the most effective part in building the future of a country have a significant influence on cultural understanding and harmony between nations. In this regard, one of the important areas having a common cultural identity with the Islamic Republic of Iran is Central Asia region. This paper seeks to answer the question of how Iran could exploit its academic capabilities in Central Asia. The authors of the present paper believe that the Islamic Republic of Iran exploiting cultural capabilities, Persian language, common history of civilization, higher educational capabilities especially in academic exchange can make a positive image of it and promote its educational diplomacy in Central Asia Region

Abstract The European Union’s limitations to assured and inexpensive access to energy resources, the usage of resources as political instruments by countries such as the Russian Federation has made diversification and transmission lines of energy resources the Union’s primary aim in the international policy arena. The European Union aims to access rich sources of natural gas and create new markets in accordance with its economic goal; the Southern gas corridor project is in line with this energy policy. On the other hand, Turkmenistan¢s strategy is to be transformed to a strategic actor in the energy domain. Turkmenistan¢s geographical location, its rich sources of natural gas and its strategy to diversify its energy export routes, especially in the period of the country¢s next president, paves the way for the opportunity of extensive international cooperation.
The question which is proposed in this regard is the following: what role will Turkmenistan have in the European Union’s new energy policy outlook?
Accordingly, our proposed hypothesis is that with the implementation of the southern gas corridor project, Turkmenistan will actively cooperate and compete with Russia to have a presence in the supplying of energy to the European Union.
The paper has been based on descriptive-analytic method and the interdependence theory.

Abstract          Since 2001 Ashgabat lunched more normal pattern of neutrality. In 2006, with the arrival of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow as new leader, The process of change in foreign policy intensified. In view of the aforementioned considerations, this paper seeks to answer the two main questions: what kind of changes Turkmenistan's neutrality strategy have experienced? And what have been the economic consequences of this strategy? The hypothesis here is that the Turkmenistan’s foreign policy until 2006 was based on Isolation. After 2001 negative neutrality has been adopted. Then, with the arrival of Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow, active and positive neutrality has been adopted. This strategy explain as one of the main factors of economic growth in Turkmenistan in the last ten years (2016-2006).

Abstract After the collapse of Soviet Union, South Caucasus has been the ground of different kinds of threats and security challenges. The most important security challenges in South Caucasus include ethnic and territorial conflicts, political instability, lack of economic and social development, transnational threats, organized crime, and finally the competition of regional and trans-regional powers. The existence of these challenges has provided a security complexity in Caucasus and has prevented the establishment of stability and peace in this region. The main question in this study is: How can we employ the main components of the security complex including polarity, social construct, state's nature, boundary and anarchy in south Caucasus? Assumption is that the components of regional security complex can be applied in south Caucasus because of its security interdependence; this region would be considered independence from Russia regional security complex.  The Firstly, an attempt has been made to assess the genealogy of the security complex theory. Then, a survey has been done to see whether this complex is a sub complex of Russia security complex or it is an independent one, using the framework of boundaries concept. Finally, the components of security complex theory are applied in South Caucasus using an "Explanation and Positivism" methodology.