The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321The European Union's Normative Power; Instruments and ChallengesThe European Union's Normative Power; Instruments and Challenges13224964FAAlirezaSamoudi PilehroodProfessor, Mofid UniversityJournal Article20170408Since the beginning of the third millennium, the European Union's policy toward the Central Asia has been a major part of the EU's common foreign and security policy. Central Asia has traditionally provided a link between Asia and Europe and plays as a strategic route between the two continents. The most comprehensive European document on Central Asia entitled "EU-Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership" was adopted in June 2007 and boosted the EU-Central Asia relations. The Main question of this article is "in order to implement its normative power, which instruments are used by the EU and which challenges it confronts?" In response to this question, the following hypothesis is posed: "Promoting democracy, human rights, rule of law, education, and environment are among the most important programs implemented by the EU in Central Asia; however, due to some shortcomings such as the role of other powerful actors in the region, different approaches of the member states and the European institutions as well as structural weaknesses, the EU has failed to achieve all its goals in the region. The research method applied in this article is analytic-descriptive.Since the beginning of the third millennium, the European Union's policy toward the Central Asia has been a major part of the EU's common foreign and security policy. Central Asia has traditionally provided a link between Asia and Europe and plays as a strategic route between the two continents. The most comprehensive European document on Central Asia entitled "EU-Central Asia: Strategy for a New Partnership" was adopted in June 2007 and boosted the EU-Central Asia relations. The Main question of this article is "in order to implement its normative power, which instruments are used by the EU and which challenges it confronts?" In response to this question, the following hypothesis is posed: "Promoting democracy, human rights, rule of law, education, and environment are among the most important programs implemented by the EU in Central Asia; however, due to some shortcomings such as the role of other powerful actors in the region, different approaches of the member states and the European institutions as well as structural weaknesses, the EU has failed to achieve all its goals in the region. The research method applied in this article is analytic-descriptive.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24964_ab7c5cdb20164d2d25769bddd2fe1493.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321The Impact of Transregional Military Activities in Caspian Region on National Security of Islamic Republic of IranThe Impact of Transregional Military Activities in Caspian Region on National Security of Islamic Republic of Iran346924965FAAsgharJafari ValadaniProfessor, Allame Tabatabaei UniversitySeyed Mohammad HosseinHosseiniPhD Candidate, Allame Tabatabaei UniversityJournal Article20170408The Caspian Sea Region cannot be considered as a separate structure whose actors are not able to certainly resolve its internal disputes. That is because irrespective of its regional actors’ common history and culture, and their geographical closeness, they still lack an effective security provision. Although Russia as a great power has a noticeable impact on the mentioned situation, the geopolitical and geo-economic equations of Caspian Sea, allows transregional interveners to prevent Russia of such independency in the region. As well, some of the regional countries consider their economic and military cooperation with transregional actors as a measure for securitizing their own interests. The present article attempts to answer the following question. What is the impact of transregional intervening military activities such as the United States, European Union and the Zionist Regime in the Caspian Sea region, on Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The following hypothesis is considered that the intervening actors have the influence in the region due to some military and weaponry cooperation and this fact faces the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with diverse challenges in cultural, political, economic and military areas. Explanatory, analytical research method is used for writing this article. The Caspian Sea Region cannot be considered as a separate structure whose actors are not able to certainly resolve its internal disputes. That is because irrespective of its regional actors’ common history and culture, and their geographical closeness, they still lack an effective security provision. Although Russia as a great power has a noticeable impact on the mentioned situation, the geopolitical and geo-economic equations of Caspian Sea, allows transregional interveners to prevent Russia of such independency in the region. As well, some of the regional countries consider their economic and military cooperation with transregional actors as a measure for securitizing their own interests. The present article attempts to answer the following question. What is the impact of transregional intervening military activities such as the United States, European Union and the Zionist Regime in the Caspian Sea region, on Islamic Republic of Iran’s national security? The following hypothesis is considered that the intervening actors have the influence in the region due to some military and weaponry cooperation and this fact faces the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran with diverse challenges in cultural, political, economic and military areas. Explanatory, analytical research method is used for writing this article. https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24965_f0ff2eaef41dd9e6e3dcb49d53c1bf11.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321China and Japan’s Foreign Policy Strategies in Central AsiaChina and Japan’s Foreign Policy Strategies in Central Asia7110024966FAMohammadrezaDehshiriProfessor, Faculty of International RelationsMohammad HosseinNeshasteh SazanPostgraduate Student, Faculty of International RelationsJournal Article20170408Central Asia has been always under special attention of regional and transregional powers due to its natural resources. A thorough scrutinize in China and Japan’s foreign policy strategies between 2012 and 2016 demonstrates that in one hand China follows some economic, security, energy and political interests in the region, and in the other hand, Japan seeks some regional and international long time goals such as economic and energy interests. The present literature tries to find out the strategies and interests of China and Japan in Central Asia and to reply this question that which divergences they will face in their future presence in the region. The hypothesis of this study is that China’s strategy is using its rising economic and political power in Central Asia especially through SCO, while Japan is using official development assistance and political multilateralism as well as its capacities in Asia – Pacific regional organizations and United Nation institutions such as UNDP. This research is done using explanatory analytical research method and library and internet resources. Central Asia has been always under special attention of regional and transregional powers due to its natural resources. A thorough scrutinize in China and Japan’s foreign policy strategies between 2012 and 2016 demonstrates that in one hand China follows some economic, security, energy and political interests in the region, and in the other hand, Japan seeks some regional and international long time goals such as economic and energy interests. The present literature tries to find out the strategies and interests of China and Japan in Central Asia and to reply this question that which divergences they will face in their future presence in the region. The hypothesis of this study is that China’s strategy is using its rising economic and political power in Central Asia especially through SCO, while Japan is using official development assistance and political multilateralism as well as its capacities in Asia – Pacific regional organizations and United Nation institutions such as UNDP. This research is done using explanatory analytical research method and library and internet resources. https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24966_24be833826002c7d2a8d9d5f021b7e43.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321Study on the impact of strategic culture on foreign policy of Russian FederationStudy on the impact of strategic culture on foreign policy of Russian Federation10313724967FAMostafaZahraniProfessor, Faculty of International RelationsSaremShiravandPostgraduate of Eurasia Studies, Faculty of International RelationsJournal Article20170408Following the formation of the fourth debate in international relations theories,” culture” has reached to an equal position to material factors in forming countries’ behavior. Upon the mentioned theories, culture and strategic culture were raised as identity foundations of each actor in international relations, which has the capacity of influencing on elites and policymakers as well as the society which shapes the foreign policy of a country and its international behavior. Therefore recognizing those elements that shape the cultural foundation of a country, especially the strategic culture of countries is very effective in understanding the reason of different countries’ actions especially the Russian Federation in foreign policy area. The present article addresses this question that what has been the impact of strategic culture on foreign policy of Russian Federation? The hypothesis of this article is that Russia’s strategic culture that is composed of some factors such as fear of threat, geopolitical features, expansionism vision, great power vision, etc. had a deep impact on strategic decision making structure and behavior of this actor in foreign policy area and Interantional environment. This article is written using explanatory – analytical research method.Following the formation of the fourth debate in international relations theories,” culture” has reached to an equal position to material factors in forming countries’ behavior. Upon the mentioned theories, culture and strategic culture were raised as identity foundations of each actor in international relations, which has the capacity of influencing on elites and policymakers as well as the society which shapes the foreign policy of a country and its international behavior. Therefore recognizing those elements that shape the cultural foundation of a country, especially the strategic culture of countries is very effective in understanding the reason of different countries’ actions especially the Russian Federation in foreign policy area. The present article addresses this question that what has been the impact of strategic culture on foreign policy of Russian Federation? The hypothesis of this article is that Russia’s strategic culture that is composed of some factors such as fear of threat, geopolitical features, expansionism vision, great power vision, etc. had a deep impact on strategic decision making structure and behavior of this actor in foreign policy area and Interantional environment. This article is written using explanatory – analytical research method.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24967_b05f1c54b7595590394fdef928ede449.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321The Impact of Syria Crisis on Russia – Turkey relations in CaucasusThe Impact of Syria Crisis on Russia – Turkey relations in Caucasus13917324968FAAbbasgholiAsgarianProfessor, Faculty of International RelationsSaeedTajariPostgraduate of Regional Studies, Allame Tabatabaei UniversityJournal Article20170408The Syria crisis as a regional one has led the regional countries to some cooperation for resolving it. The regional countries though, concretely speaking Turkey and Russia though haveobviously taken different approaches towards this crisis. In other words, the diverse approaches of these two countries towards the Syrian crisis, has led to a noticeable conflict between them that has left its own impact in Caucasus. The present article tries to determine the dimensions of the mentioned conflict and cooperation, and also scrutinize its impact on Caucasus. The present literature addresses the following question: How the divergent measures of Russia and Turkey towards Syria crisis has left its impact on Caucasus? Using explanatory – analytical research method and library and internet resources the authors try to find an answer for the mentioned question. The Syria crisis as a regional one has led the regional countries to some cooperation for resolving it. The regional countries though, concretely speaking Turkey and Russia though haveobviously taken different approaches towards this crisis. In other words, the diverse approaches of these two countries towards the Syrian crisis, has led to a noticeable conflict between them that has left its own impact in Caucasus. The present article tries to determine the dimensions of the mentioned conflict and cooperation, and also scrutinize its impact on Caucasus. The present literature addresses the following question: How the divergent measures of Russia and Turkey towards Syria crisis has left its impact on Caucasus? Using explanatory – analytical research method and library and internet resources the authors try to find an answer for the mentioned question. https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24968_081d5e994ab762a68f8c0546a8968b00.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-3766239720170321The Russian Federation's Discursive Transformation in Central Asia: From Euro-Atlanticism to a Normalized Modern Great Power (1991-2016)The Russian Federation's Discursive Transformation in Central Asia: From Euro-Atlanticism to a Normalized Modern Great Power (1991-2016)17520624969FAValiKouzehgar KalejiPhD Candidate, University of TehranJournal Article20170408The Russian Federation has been among the most significant actors in Central Asia during the past two and a half decades – what some have termed as a “New Great Game” in the area. In the fast evolving post-Cold War environment, Moscow has been very active in both bilateral and multilateral (CIS, CSTO, SCO, and EEU) arenas. The crux of the Russian activism has been geared to preserve the status quo to the extent possible, keep the newly independent republics under Moscow's foreign and defense policies, revive and strengthen the previous hegemonic status, and finally, confront the objectives and strategies of rival powers in Central Asia, most notably North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), European Union (EU) and the United States. The Russian foreign policy, while pursuing these overarching objectives, has been impacted – to varying degrees – by developments in the post-Soviet transitional society at home as well as by regional and international developments. The present article looks into the dynamism – and transformation - of the Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia through the analysis of major discourses in the Russian external strategy since 1991. The Russian Federation has been among the most significant actors in Central Asia during the past two and a half decades – what some have termed as a “New Great Game” in the area. In the fast evolving post-Cold War environment, Moscow has been very active in both bilateral and multilateral (CIS, CSTO, SCO, and EEU) arenas. The crux of the Russian activism has been geared to preserve the status quo to the extent possible, keep the newly independent republics under Moscow's foreign and defense policies, revive and strengthen the previous hegemonic status, and finally, confront the objectives and strategies of rival powers in Central Asia, most notably North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), European Union (EU) and the United States. The Russian foreign policy, while pursuing these overarching objectives, has been impacted – to varying degrees – by developments in the post-Soviet transitional society at home as well as by regional and international developments. The present article looks into the dynamism – and transformation - of the Russian foreign policy towards Central Asia through the analysis of major discourses in the Russian external strategy since 1991. https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_24969_c80d4a2cce159f2d35cf0faa3a838694.pdf