The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Power game in the South Caucasus and Iran-Armenia RelationsPower game in the South Caucasus and Iran-Armenia Relations32873791810.22034/ca.2026.2081095.1961FAAmir MohammadMoghaniPh.D student of energy governance, Faculty of Governance, University of Tehran. Tehran. Iran0000-0002-3078-4235AbbasMalekiProfessor of Energy Policy,, Energy Engineering Faculty Sharif University of Technology Tehran, IranJournal Article20251216The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.The South Caucasus has been an arena of great power competition over the past few decades, and its political, geopolitical, and security developments have profoundly affected relations among the region's countries and their neighbors. The central question of this study is: What consequences have the new security dynamics in the South Caucasus had for Iran–Armenia relations, and how can these consequences be explained within the framework of Regional Security Complex Theory? Drawing on this theory, the present study analyzes recent developments along two dimensions: first, the changing historical role and influence of Iran in regional equations; and second, the impact of Azerbaijan's recapture of Karabakh and Armenia's pivot toward diversifying its strategic partners. The research findings show that Tehran–Yerevan relations have increasingly shifted from a predominantly cultural–economic nature to a pragmatic cooperation, grounded in a shared threat perception of the Azerbaijan–Turkey axis and the implications of the Zangezur Corridor. This cooperation has crystallized in forms such as the development of the North–South Corridor in opposition to the Middle Corridor and the Zangezur Corridor, and the creation of a network of alternative partnerships.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737918_55d010123cc339a1c0ab614263ccf257.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Caspian New Geoeconomy: From Resources to the CorridorsCaspian New Geoeconomy: From Resources to the Corridors296673791910.22034/ca.2026.2079814.1958FAHabibollahMalakootifarPh.D in International Relations0009-0008-0434-4667Journal Article20251203Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states on the shores of the Caspian Sea, the lake has become one of the most complex and important geopolitical and geoeconomic arenas in the world in the 21st century. This landlocked body of water is no longer known solely for its vast energy reserves; it now functions as a “geoeconomic axis” at the heart of a major competition for control of the trade arteries of Eurasia. This research seeks to demonstrate that the contemporary importance of the Caspian is defined by its role as a field of competition and cooperation for transit corridors, a silent battle in which railways, modern ports, and highways are the main weapons of regional and transregional actors to redraw the map of power, influence, and global trade. This research uses the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism and analyzes and examines the hypothesis using a descriptive method and the author's field experiences.Since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent states on the shores of the Caspian Sea, the lake has become one of the most complex and important geopolitical and geoeconomic arenas in the world in the 21st century. This landlocked body of water is no longer known solely for its vast energy reserves; it now functions as a “geoeconomic axis” at the heart of a major competition for control of the trade arteries of Eurasia. This research seeks to demonstrate that the contemporary importance of the Caspian is defined by its role as a field of competition and cooperation for transit corridors, a silent battle in which railways, modern ports, and highways are the main weapons of regional and transregional actors to redraw the map of power, influence, and global trade. This research uses the theoretical framework of neoliberal institutionalism and analyzes and examines the hypothesis using a descriptive method and the author's field experiences.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737919_2da7309cfdb313e160f3498ef4675123.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622New Paths of Integration in Eurasia: The Links between the Belt and Road Initiative and the Eurasian Economic UnionNew Paths of Integration in Eurasia: The Links between the Belt and Road Initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union679673332710.22034/ca.2025.2061707.1890FAHosseinEmamverdiInternational Relations Department, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran0009-0003-8920-4893RezaRahmatiAssistant Professor of International Relations, Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences, Bu-Ali Sina University0000-0002-7165-0583Journal Article20250525China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) presents a novel and distinct paradigm from the post-World War II Atlanticist strategy, emphasizing sustainable development, economic connectivity, and multilateral cooperation, positioning itself as an alternative to security-centered approaches within Eurasia’s geopolitical order. This article examines the question of what goals, functions, and implications the integration of the BRI with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU)—as two major non-Western regional integration projects led by China and Russia—entails for emerging Eurasian regionalism. A comparative analysis of these two initiatives reveals that although each has its own institutional logic and strategic framework, their convergence can provide an effective platform to enhance economic, security, and institutional cooperation in Eurasia and serve as a foundation for the transition towards a multipolar global order. The findings indicate that this integration not only strengthens economic and infrastructural convergence but also encompasses elements for redefining the international order, countering Western unilateralism, and shaping an economic security architecture across Greater Eurasia. Utilizing a historical-comparative methodology and relying on library and online data sources, this article seeks to elucidate the logic behind the integration of these two initiatives and how it influences the emerging economic-political structures in Eurasia, as well as the mechanisms for consolidating a multipolar global order. The study primarily focuses on analyzing the objectives, prospects, and prerequisites of multilateral relations between China and the member states of the EAEU.China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) presents a novel and distinct paradigm from the post-World War II Atlanticist strategy, emphasizing sustainable development, economic connectivity, and multilateral cooperation, positioning itself as an alternative to security-centered approaches within Eurasia’s geopolitical order. This article examines the question of what goals, functions, and implications the integration of the BRI with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU)—as two major non-Western regional integration projects led by China and Russia—entails for emerging Eurasian regionalism. A comparative analysis of these two initiatives reveals that although each has its own institutional logic and strategic framework, their convergence can provide an effective platform to enhance economic, security, and institutional cooperation in Eurasia and serve as a foundation for the transition towards a multipolar global order. The findings indicate that this integration not only strengthens economic and infrastructural convergence but also encompasses elements for redefining the international order, countering Western unilateralism, and shaping an economic security architecture across Greater Eurasia. Utilizing a historical-comparative methodology and relying on library and online data sources, this article seeks to elucidate the logic behind the integration of these two initiatives and how it influences the emerging economic-political structures in Eurasia, as well as the mechanisms for consolidating a multipolar global order. The study primarily focuses on analyzing the objectives, prospects, and prerequisites of multilateral relations between China and the member states of the EAEU.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_733327_8be6a9a4eeaecba304cc140e116c9cdc.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622China and Russia–Ukraine War: From Ambiguity to BalancingChina and Russia–Ukraine War: From Ambiguity to Balancing9712573792010.22034/ca.2026.2079651.1956FAMokhtarSalehiAssistant Professor of International Relations, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Mazandaran, Babolsar. Iran.0000-0003-2611-4420ShakilaZareiMaster's Degree in International Relations. University of Mazandaran. Babolsar.Iran.0009-0002-7876-8020Journal Article20251201The Ukraine crisis is one of the most prominent geopolitical developments in 21 century. It began with expansive attacks by Russia’s troops in Ukraine. This crisis led to a policy divide between Russia and west. This crisis also creates a new context for the boundaries of the new global order. In common situation, the position of China as the strategic ally of Russia is so prominent in order to end the war. This study investigates to answer this question: How China reacted to Russia-Ukraine war? The hypothesis of this study indicates that China has multifaceted approach according to a policy of ambiguity and duality about this war. This policy leads to maintaining and deepening the relationship with Russia and creating a balance against the West. Examining China’s approach about the Ukraine crisis is done in defensive realism theory. This study employs an analytical-explanatory framework. Further more the data collection method is qualitative, based on library sources and online resources. Then collected sources are analyzed by using the content analysis method. The findings of this study indicate that China uses the Ukraine crisis as the opportunity for challenging with the United States in Asia-Pacific and weakening the Western alliance. China also expanded its strategic partnership with Russia in the economic, energy, technology and security fields.The Ukraine crisis is one of the most prominent geopolitical developments in 21 century. It began with expansive attacks by Russia’s troops in Ukraine. This crisis led to a policy divide between Russia and west. This crisis also creates a new context for the boundaries of the new global order. In common situation, the position of China as the strategic ally of Russia is so prominent in order to end the war. This study investigates to answer this question: How China reacted to Russia-Ukraine war? The hypothesis of this study indicates that China has multifaceted approach according to a policy of ambiguity and duality about this war. This policy leads to maintaining and deepening the relationship with Russia and creating a balance against the West. Examining China’s approach about the Ukraine crisis is done in defensive realism theory. This study employs an analytical-explanatory framework. Further more the data collection method is qualitative, based on library sources and online resources. Then collected sources are analyzed by using the content analysis method. The findings of this study indicate that China uses the Ukraine crisis as the opportunity for challenging with the United States in Asia-Pacific and weakening the Western alliance. China also expanded its strategic partnership with Russia in the economic, energy, technology and security fields.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737920_4d7ec945605cddd15ef56bfb49211560.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Environmental Crises in Central Asia and Sustainable DevelopmentEnvironmental Crises in Central Asia and Sustainable Development12715473792110.22034/ca.2026.2079214.1954FAFatmehSattarStudent of International Relations, Islamic Azadi University, Isfahan Branch, Khorasgan, Isfahan, Iran.0000-0003-4527-6425Journal Article20251127A healthy environment is one of the fundamental pillars of sustainable development, but rapid population growth, industrialization, and excessive exploitation of natural resources, especially water resources, have jeopardized the fragile ecological balance in many regions of the world. As an arid and semi-arid region, Central Asia faced serious environmental problems during its economic reconstruction after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including the drying up of the Aral Sea, increasing industrial pollution, and political tensions resulting from the uncoordinated management of shared water resources. This research aims to examine the environmental situation and sustainable development challenges in Central Asian countries since independence. It attempts to analyze the trend of environmental crises and reveal the necessity of regional cooperation and joint resource management. The central question of the research is how the environmental situation of Central Asia can be explained, given the scarcity of water and the shared exploitation of water resources. The research hypothesis is that the uncoordinated use of natural resources, especially the water resources of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins, has been one of the main factors in the emergence of environmental crises and a fundamental obstacle to achieving sustainable development. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is structured within the framework of Thomas Springs' four-stage methodology. The findings show that water resource scarcity, industrial pollution, soil erosion, and climate change threaten the environmental sustainability of region, and only through international cooperation and joint institution-building can the path to sustainable development in Central Asia be strengthened.A healthy environment is one of the fundamental pillars of sustainable development, but rapid population growth, industrialization, and excessive exploitation of natural resources, especially water resources, have jeopardized the fragile ecological balance in many regions of the world. As an arid and semi-arid region, Central Asia faced serious environmental problems during its economic reconstruction after the collapse of the Soviet Union, including the drying up of the Aral Sea, increasing industrial pollution, and political tensions resulting from the uncoordinated management of shared water resources. This research aims to examine the environmental situation and sustainable development challenges in Central Asian countries since independence. It attempts to analyze the trend of environmental crises and reveal the necessity of regional cooperation and joint resource management. The central question of the research is how the environmental situation of Central Asia can be explained, given the scarcity of water and the shared exploitation of water resources. The research hypothesis is that the uncoordinated use of natural resources, especially the water resources of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya basins, has been one of the main factors in the emergence of environmental crises and a fundamental obstacle to achieving sustainable development. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is structured within the framework of Thomas Springs' four-stage methodology. The findings show that water resource scarcity, industrial pollution, soil erosion, and climate change threaten the environmental sustainability of region, and only through international cooperation and joint institution-building can the path to sustainable development in Central Asia be strengthened.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737921_aa2ac8bf6d5e3a4ae07fe0b6d0bd50c4.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Sanctions, BRICS, and the Eurasian Economic UnionSanctions, BRICS, and the Eurasian Economic Union15517473792210.22034/ca.2026.2085553.1984FAHamidRamazanpurPhD student in International Relations, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0009-0003-8592-4877MajidTavasoli RoknabadiProfessor of Political Science, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0003-3571-6204Journal Article20260215In today's world, economic sanctions are one of the main foreign policy tools of Western countries to exert pressure on target countries in order to change their political and economic behavior. In addition to having direct effects on the economy and domestic politics of the countries under sanctions, these sanctions cause changes in international relations and strengthen regional cooperation. The main question of this article is to what extent have Western sanctions played a role in strengthening the position of BRICS and the Eurasian Economic Union between 2012 and 2024? The main hypothesis of the article is that these sanctions have led to changes in the trade and economic patterns of these organizations and have accelerated economic processes independent of the West. In this study, using a comparative analysis method based on documentary sources and historical data, the development and strengthening process of these organizations in the face of Western sanctions has been examined. The results show that Western sanctions, especially after political and economic crises in the member states of these organizations, have acted as a factor in increasing economic, trade, and political cooperation among BRICS and Eurasian Economic Union members. Ultimately, this study concludes that Western sanctions can play a positive role in strengthening non-Western organizations, but there are several challenges in the field of internal integration and resource management that require further attention.In today's world, economic sanctions are one of the main foreign policy tools of Western countries to exert pressure on target countries in order to change their political and economic behavior. In addition to having direct effects on the economy and domestic politics of the countries under sanctions, these sanctions cause changes in international relations and strengthen regional cooperation. The main question of this article is to what extent have Western sanctions played a role in strengthening the position of BRICS and the Eurasian Economic Union between 2012 and 2024? The main hypothesis of the article is that these sanctions have led to changes in the trade and economic patterns of these organizations and have accelerated economic processes independent of the West. In this study, using a comparative analysis method based on documentary sources and historical data, the development and strengthening process of these organizations in the face of Western sanctions has been examined. The results show that Western sanctions, especially after political and economic crises in the member states of these organizations, have acted as a factor in increasing economic, trade, and political cooperation among BRICS and Eurasian Economic Union members. Ultimately, this study concludes that Western sanctions can play a positive role in strengthening non-Western organizations, but there are several challenges in the field of internal integration and resource management that require further attention.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737922_f5781123a9419af214b15ac488c05baf.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Energy and the Republic of Azerbaijan’s Relations with the European UnionEnergy and the Republic of Azerbaijan’s Relations with the European Union17520273792310.22034/ca.2026.2079982.1959FAQasemOsuli OdluAsian studies, eco college insurance, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran0000-0001-6611-9790EbrahimRezaei RadDepartment of International Relations, Science and Research Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20251205Azerbaijan, by relying on the rich oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea and projects such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor, has been able to solidify its position as a key player in ensuring Europe's energy security. This policy not only has a foreign dimension but also acts as a tool for internal legitimization. Despite pressures from Russia and Turkey, as well as the developments related to the war in Ukraine, Baku has managed to create a pragmatic balance among the interests of various actors. The main question of the article is: how have energy resources (oil and gas) served as a strategic tool in securing and advancing the macro objectives of the Republic of Azerbaijan in its interaction with the European Union? The research hypothesis is that by adopting a realist approach and utilizing energy as both a lever of pressure and a tool for engagement, Azerbaijan has been able to both elevate its position within the Eurasian and European energy order and use it as an instrument to strengthen internal legitimacy. This article employs the theoretical framework of realism, a qualitative analysis research method, and utilizes secondary sources including scientific articles, reports from research centers, and statistical data up to the year 2025.Azerbaijan, by relying on the rich oil and gas resources of the Caspian Sea and projects such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline and the Southern Gas Corridor, has been able to solidify its position as a key player in ensuring Europe's energy security. This policy not only has a foreign dimension but also acts as a tool for internal legitimization. Despite pressures from Russia and Turkey, as well as the developments related to the war in Ukraine, Baku has managed to create a pragmatic balance among the interests of various actors. The main question of the article is: how have energy resources (oil and gas) served as a strategic tool in securing and advancing the macro objectives of the Republic of Azerbaijan in its interaction with the European Union? The research hypothesis is that by adopting a realist approach and utilizing energy as both a lever of pressure and a tool for engagement, Azerbaijan has been able to both elevate its position within the Eurasian and European energy order and use it as an instrument to strengthen internal legitimacy. This article employs the theoretical framework of realism, a qualitative analysis research method, and utilizes secondary sources including scientific articles, reports from research centers, and statistical data up to the year 2025.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737923_6e761ce5ffecddbd3212fe70acaedb72.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Turkiye, Central Asia, and International Social CapitalTurkiye, Central Asia, and International Social Capital20323873333410.22034/ca.2025.2072132.1927FAAsgharHasanvand--0000-0001-9451-7024AlirezaSoltani-0000-0003-0936-3257Journal Article20250919مقارن بافروپاشی اتحادجماهیرشوروی وظهورحاکمیت هایمستقل درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی، فضای تعامل وهمکاری نیز دراین منطقه به شکل بی سابقه ای استحاله یافت. درچنین متنی کشورترکیه توانست خود را به عنوان یکی ازبازیگران ذی نفع منطقه مطرح نمایدو پس از گذشت بیش ازسه دهه حضور مصرانه دستاوردهای مطلوبی را بدست آورد. لذاعطفبه اقتضائات-پژوهشی وجستارگشایی برای حصول داده های پسینی ازسیاست منطقه ای ترکیه در آسیای مرکزی هدف از تنظیم نوشتارحاضربررسی اینمبحث باتمتع ازنظریه سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل است. این تحقیق با استفاده ازروش توصیفی-تحلیلی وبابهرهگیری ازمنابع کتابخانه ای به انجام رسیده است وبدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل چه-جایگاهی درپیشبردسیاست منطقه ای وموقعیت مطلوب ترکیه درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی داشتهاست؟ درجواب به پرسشحاضر فرضیه این است که ترکیه با به کارگیری مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی بینالملل:(سرمایه اجتماعی شناختی، سرمایه اجتماعی-رابطه ای وشبکه ای)توانسته ازاین مجرا به گسترش نفوذ ومناسبات خودبااین منطقه بپردازد، یافته ها ونتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که ترکیه ضمن تاکیدبرقرابت های هنجاری وساخت اعتماد، ارتباطات شبکه ای گسترده ای درپیش گرفته وبعنوان بازیگرشبکه پردازمطرح منطقه نیزشناخته میشود.مقارن بافروپاشی اتحادجماهیرشوروی وظهورحاکمیت هایمستقل درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی، فضای تعامل وهمکاری نیز دراین منطقه به شکل بی سابقه ای استحاله یافت. درچنین متنی کشورترکیه توانست خود را به عنوان یکی ازبازیگران ذی نفع منطقه مطرح نمایدو پس از گذشت بیش ازسه دهه حضور مصرانه دستاوردهای مطلوبی را بدست آورد. لذاعطفبه اقتضائات-پژوهشی وجستارگشایی برای حصول داده های پسینی ازسیاست منطقه ای ترکیه در آسیای مرکزی هدف از تنظیم نوشتارحاضربررسی اینمبحث باتمتع ازنظریه سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل است. این تحقیق با استفاده ازروش توصیفی-تحلیلی وبابهرهگیری ازمنابع کتابخانه ای به انجام رسیده است وبدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل چه-جایگاهی درپیشبردسیاست منطقه ای وموقعیت مطلوب ترکیه درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی داشتهاست؟ درجواب به پرسشحاضر فرضیه این است که ترکیه با به کارگیری مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی بینالملل:(سرمایه اجتماعی شناختی، سرمایه اجتماعی-رابطه ای وشبکه ای)توانسته ازاین مجرا به گسترش نفوذ ومناسبات خودبااین منطقه بپردازد، یافته ها ونتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که ترکیه ضمن تاکیدبرقرابت های هنجاری وساخت اعتماد، ارتباطات شبکه ای گسترده ای درپیش گرفته وبعنوان بازیگرشبکه پردازمطرح منطقه نیزشناخته میشود.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_733334_bb346a2f776937ac2e732e68ee546b29.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Russia, India, and the Multipolar WorldRussia, India, and the Multipolar World23925873792410.22034/ca.2026.2053497.1862FAArashSadeghi SerajiForeign Ministry IRR0009-0000-5272-5781Journal Article20250215With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the last decade of the twentieth century, the United States emerged as the sole superpower on the global stage. However, Putin-era Russia, while striving to rebuild its strength, adopted a different approach to ensure its presence as a global power, This approach is known as multipolarity and is supported by major or regional powers such as India, China, and Iran. Russia and India have jointly pursued a cooperation program to promote global multipolarity, aiming to reduce Western dominance in global affairs and establish a balance of power that reflects diverse interests. Alongside other emerging economies, they strive to achieve their economic and strategic goals without being sidelined by any dominant power. Russia and India, each for their own reasons, have diverged from the dominant global power of today—the United States—and therefore see the move toward a multipolar world and the diminishing influence of Western-centric norms in international relations as beneficial to their interests. The cooperation between Russia and India is rooted in historical ties and mutual geopolitical interests in countering the influence of the United States and NATO. This article examines the signs of divergence between Russia and the United States, as well as India and the United States, and by enumerating the synergistic factors between these two governments, it explores their cooperation and expectations of a multipolar world.With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the last decade of the twentieth century, the United States emerged as the sole superpower on the global stage. However, Putin-era Russia, while striving to rebuild its strength, adopted a different approach to ensure its presence as a global power, This approach is known as multipolarity and is supported by major or regional powers such as India, China, and Iran. Russia and India have jointly pursued a cooperation program to promote global multipolarity, aiming to reduce Western dominance in global affairs and establish a balance of power that reflects diverse interests. Alongside other emerging economies, they strive to achieve their economic and strategic goals without being sidelined by any dominant power. Russia and India, each for their own reasons, have diverged from the dominant global power of today—the United States—and therefore see the move toward a multipolar world and the diminishing influence of Western-centric norms in international relations as beneficial to their interests. The cooperation between Russia and India is rooted in historical ties and mutual geopolitical interests in countering the influence of the United States and NATO. This article examines the signs of divergence between Russia and the United States, as well as India and the United States, and by enumerating the synergistic factors between these two governments, it explores their cooperation and expectations of a multipolar world.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737924_043d122946e1c612a8cb5bf0cfd89ec2.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Pottery and the Cultural Connection between Iran and Anatolia: A Study of the 2nd–8th Centuries AHPottery and the Cultural Connection between Iran and Anatolia: A Study of the 2nd–8th Centuries AH25929473332610.22034/ca.2025.2060794.1888FAMehdiKazempourassociate professor, tabriz Islamic Art University0000-0001-9734-6961Journal Article20250516This study explores the cultural exchanges between Iran and Anatolia through ceramics from the 2nd to the 8th century AH. During this period, under the influence of empires such as the Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ilkhanid, the transmission of knowledge and artistic styles in pottery between the two regions became widespread.<br><br>The aim of the research is to identify the shared ceramic styles of Iran and Anatolia during the 2nd to 7th centuries AH in order to understand the evidence of mutual cultural and artistic influences.<br><br>The research questions are as follows:<br><br>Which types of ceramics were produced in both Iran and Anatolia?<br><br>What role did trade routes and the migration of artists and craftsmen play in the transfer of ceramic technologies and in shaping the styles of Iranian and Anatolian pottery?<br><br>This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the data has been collected through library and digital sources.<br><br>The findings indicate that ceramic types such as Champleve,, Agh Kand, Lusterware, Mina’i ware, Lajvardina, and turquoise-and-black-painted wares were produced in both regions, yet they exhibit local stylistic differences. Trade routes—particularly the Silk Road and maritime routes—played a crucial role in the transmission of ceramic technologies and in influencing stylistic developments. In addition, the migration of artists and craftsmen, military invasions, and religious and spiritual beliefs significantly contributed to the cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia.This study explores the cultural exchanges between Iran and Anatolia through ceramics from the 2nd to the 8th century AH. During this period, under the influence of empires such as the Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ilkhanid, the transmission of knowledge and artistic styles in pottery between the two regions became widespread.<br><br>The aim of the research is to identify the shared ceramic styles of Iran and Anatolia during the 2nd to 7th centuries AH in order to understand the evidence of mutual cultural and artistic influences.<br><br>The research questions are as follows:<br><br>Which types of ceramics were produced in both Iran and Anatolia?<br><br>What role did trade routes and the migration of artists and craftsmen play in the transfer of ceramic technologies and in shaping the styles of Iranian and Anatolian pottery?<br><br>This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the data has been collected through library and digital sources.<br><br>The findings indicate that ceramic types such as Champleve,, Agh Kand, Lusterware, Mina’i ware, Lajvardina, and turquoise-and-black-painted wares were produced in both regions, yet they exhibit local stylistic differences. Trade routes—particularly the Silk Road and maritime routes—played a crucial role in the transmission of ceramic technologies and in influencing stylistic developments. In addition, the migration of artists and craftsmen, military invasions, and religious and spiritual beliefs significantly contributed to the cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_733326_361bd6566330055d1373587b34e08bf7.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622English AbstractsEnglish Abstracts297306737927FAJournal ArticleEnglish AbstractsEnglish Abstractshttps://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737927_9e3e4b01febf88e2b3dffd3e32c8f395.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Extended English AbstractsExtended English Abstracts737928FAJournal ArticleExtended English AbstractsExtended English Abstractshttps://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737928_4cb71738ab435962a96f5cdf93b7069e.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37663213420260622Scientific Information and ContentsScientific Information and Contents737929FAJournal ArticleScientific Information and ContentsScientific Information and Contentshttps://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_737929_2eff5dd742a2714deab5c4b731afc675.pdf