The Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220Evaluation of the European Union’s Transformative Power in Central AsiaEvaluation of the European Union’s Transformative Power in Central Asia13240539FAZabihullahRezaeiIslamic Azad UniversityAli MohammadHaghighiIslamic Azad UniversityJournal Article20200621The ultimate goal of soft (normative or civil) power is to change the behavior of the actors in non-aggressive ways. Therefore, the effectiveness of the EU's soft power in post-communist countries ought to be measured in terms of the concept of transformative power and the real roles the EU's plans and efforts have played in the transition process. EU’s transformative power in Central Asia, defined in terms of the solidarity of candidates (inside) and external governance (outside), pursues ambitious infrastructural goals whose effectiveness is evaluated in this research. This study is to answer the following questions: “What are the main leverages of EU's normative power trying to implement EU objectives in Central Asia” and “how effective have they been?” The immediate response is that "the main objectives of Europe's normative power in Central Asia are to transform Central Asian societies to function economically as full-fledged market economies and politically as democratic states. Since EU’s attempts pursuing these economic and political transformations in Central Asia have had little success, the effectiveness of EU’s normative power has gained little credit. Using descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology and utilizing library research method based on objective-historical data and available evidence, this study has tried to shed light on the research hypothesis. While confirming the hypothesis, the findings of the paper have revealed that the Central Asian societies and governments economically prefer the Chinese state capitalist model to the full-fledged market economy model and politically consider the Guided Democracy Model to be superior to the Liberal Democratic Style proposed by EU.The ultimate goal of soft (normative or civil) power is to change the behavior of the actors in non-aggressive ways. Therefore, the effectiveness of the EU's soft power in post-communist countries ought to be measured in terms of the concept of transformative power and the real roles the EU's plans and efforts have played in the transition process. EU’s transformative power in Central Asia, defined in terms of the solidarity of candidates (inside) and external governance (outside), pursues ambitious infrastructural goals whose effectiveness is evaluated in this research. This study is to answer the following questions: “What are the main leverages of EU's normative power trying to implement EU objectives in Central Asia” and “how effective have they been?” The immediate response is that "the main objectives of Europe's normative power in Central Asia are to transform Central Asian societies to function economically as full-fledged market economies and politically as democratic states. Since EU’s attempts pursuing these economic and political transformations in Central Asia have had little success, the effectiveness of EU’s normative power has gained little credit. Using descriptive-analytical and an inferential methodology and utilizing library research method based on objective-historical data and available evidence, this study has tried to shed light on the research hypothesis. While confirming the hypothesis, the findings of the paper have revealed that the Central Asian societies and governments economically prefer the Chinese state capitalist model to the full-fledged market economy model and politically consider the Guided Democracy Model to be superior to the Liberal Democratic Style proposed by EU.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40539_4551fd9a0e034446ba3df68bd6655523.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220The New Face of Russia's Nuclear DeterrenceThe New Face of Russia's Nuclear Deterrence336340571FAAlirezaSheikh MohammadiAssistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Payame Noor University, Tehran0000-0001-6471-8124Journal Article20200622Despite economic entanglements and numerous international disputes, Russia has not abandoned its goal of creating a strategic deterrence against the United States over the past decade. As the result of its efforts, Russia today has access to ultra-supersonic advanced strategic weapons and projectiles that distinguish it from other nuclear powers worldwide. The objectives pursued by this paper are to examine the dimensions and characteristics of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy, the reasons for adopted this strategy and its consequences for Russia's relations with Europe and the United States. Accordingly, the present paper seeks to provide appropriate answers for the following questions: "What is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy?” and “What are its implications for the troika of Russia-EU-US relations?" The author argues that "The ability to pose a direct threat to the United States, rather than a proxy threat to Europe, is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy that may lead to the proximity of Russia to the European Union and deepening the rift on both sides of the Atlantic. A qualitative method and descriptive-explanatory methodology is employed in this paper and its theoretical foundation is laid on the deterrence (nuclear) theory. Despite economic entanglements and numerous international disputes, Russia has not abandoned its goal of creating a strategic deterrence against the United States over the past decade. As the result of its efforts, Russia today has access to ultra-supersonic advanced strategic weapons and projectiles that distinguish it from other nuclear powers worldwide. The objectives pursued by this paper are to examine the dimensions and characteristics of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy, the reasons for adopted this strategy and its consequences for Russia's relations with Europe and the United States. Accordingly, the present paper seeks to provide appropriate answers for the following questions: "What is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy?” and “What are its implications for the troika of Russia-EU-US relations?" The author argues that "The ability to pose a direct threat to the United States, rather than a proxy threat to Europe, is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy that may lead to the proximity of Russia to the European Union and deepening the rift on both sides of the Atlantic. A qualitative method and descriptive-explanatory methodology is employed in this paper and its theoretical foundation is laid on the deterrence (nuclear) theory. https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40571_053c5dfc539ac63b95de34377abf5ba9.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220Features and Driving Forces of Russia's Smart Climate PoliciesFeatures and Driving Forces of Russia's Smart Climate Policies6710040574FAMarziehShirzadiThe Author in Charge; PhD of Public Policy, Central Tehran Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200622Global warming has proposed some opportunities for Russian; on the other hand, it has had threats for this country. Therefore, Russia has neither intended to constantly deny the impact of climate change on the environment and the role mankind has played in it, nor has it taken a stance at the forefront of the global fight against climate change. The main purpose of this paper is to identify the dimensions and main features of Russia's smart climate policies and to discover the reasons why Russian Federation has adopted such an approach. Therefore, the author tries to find an answer for the following question: "What are the main features and main driving forces of Russia's Smart Climate Policies?" This study, developed within the framework of the conceptual smart climate policies, has utilized a descriptive-analytical methodology and library resources to collect and analyze the appropriate date to resolve the issue at hand. Findings of this study has revealed that the main feature of Russia's smart climate policies has been exerting efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and, at the same time, getting along with the climate change phenomenon to reap its benefits. Improving energy efficiency, preparing the ground for utilizing renewable energy resources, protecting the country's assets in the Arctic, reducing the number and sequence of natural disasters and maintaining seasonal balance, are among the main motivations laying the foundation for Russia’s greenhouse gases reduction efforts. Russia's main policy stimulus in coping with climate change, traces back to the role of global warming in facilitating access to natural resources in the Arctic, launching new shipping lanes in this region, reducing heating costs for the population living in the cold regions of northern Russia and expanding arable lands in these areas.Global warming has proposed some opportunities for Russian; on the other hand, it has had threats for this country. Therefore, Russia has neither intended to constantly deny the impact of climate change on the environment and the role mankind has played in it, nor has it taken a stance at the forefront of the global fight against climate change. The main purpose of this paper is to identify the dimensions and main features of Russia's smart climate policies and to discover the reasons why Russian Federation has adopted such an approach. Therefore, the author tries to find an answer for the following question: "What are the main features and main driving forces of Russia's Smart Climate Policies?" This study, developed within the framework of the conceptual smart climate policies, has utilized a descriptive-analytical methodology and library resources to collect and analyze the appropriate date to resolve the issue at hand. Findings of this study has revealed that the main feature of Russia's smart climate policies has been exerting efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and, at the same time, getting along with the climate change phenomenon to reap its benefits. Improving energy efficiency, preparing the ground for utilizing renewable energy resources, protecting the country's assets in the Arctic, reducing the number and sequence of natural disasters and maintaining seasonal balance, are among the main motivations laying the foundation for Russia’s greenhouse gases reduction efforts. Russia's main policy stimulus in coping with climate change, traces back to the role of global warming in facilitating access to natural resources in the Arctic, launching new shipping lanes in this region, reducing heating costs for the population living in the cold regions of northern Russia and expanding arable lands in these areas.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40574_70d5602f1498e6564b52483cc0a41a6d.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220An Analysis on the Conflict of Donbass from
The Prism of International LawAn Analysis on the Conflict of Donbass from
The Prism of International Law10114140575FAAtaollahSalehiAssistant Professor of International Law, ShahidBahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran.Journal Article20200622As the Euromaidan movement turned into the 2014 Ukrainian revolution and resulted in the removal of the Yanukovych government, concurrent Anti-Maidan and pro-Russian protests in some southern and south-eastern regions of Ukraine escalated into separatist movements culminated in the outbreak of the armed conflict in Donbass that eventually concluded in the self-declared independence of the Donetsk People's Republic) DPR (and Luhansk People's Republic) LPR). In fact, in addition to provoking the emotions and dynamics of the past four frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet era, including the Nagorno-Karabakh; the Republic of South Ossetia; Abkhazia; and Transnistria, this crisis added a new dimension to them. The purpose of this paper is to explain and evaluate the Donbass conflict from the prism of international legal order. And the issue this paper addresses is, about the stance of the international legal regime towards the legitimacy of the independence declaration of Donetsk and Luhansk Republics as well as the lawfulness of their recognition by other state. The hypothesis examined is that due to “the lack of evidentiary prof of injustice claimed against the Ukrainian government, lack of prerequisites of remedial Self-Determination, the violation of various principles of international law, the lack of the possession of statehood standards, the two enclaves’ declaration of independence is void of any legitimacy and since they are terrorist-like organisms within the sphere of competence and authority of the Ukrainian government, recognition of these enclaves as republics is considered to be an act of interference in the internal affairs of Ukraine, is illegal and recognizers shall bear international responsibility for their acts.” To this day, the legal reading of the illegality of the recognition of these two republics in a state of de jure adaptation has been compatible with the political performance of states, and these two entities have not been recognized by any independent sovereign state. In this paper a descriptive-analytical method has been applied and in the process of examining the mentioned hypothesis, an inductive methodology has been utilized. The theoretical foundations of this paper are the conceptualization of frozen conflicts and assessing the legitimacy of the separated states’ declaration of independence during these conflicts.As the Euromaidan movement turned into the 2014 Ukrainian revolution and resulted in the removal of the Yanukovych government, concurrent Anti-Maidan and pro-Russian protests in some southern and south-eastern regions of Ukraine escalated into separatist movements culminated in the outbreak of the armed conflict in Donbass that eventually concluded in the self-declared independence of the Donetsk People's Republic) DPR (and Luhansk People's Republic) LPR). In fact, in addition to provoking the emotions and dynamics of the past four frozen conflicts in the post-Soviet era, including the Nagorno-Karabakh; the Republic of South Ossetia; Abkhazia; and Transnistria, this crisis added a new dimension to them. The purpose of this paper is to explain and evaluate the Donbass conflict from the prism of international legal order. And the issue this paper addresses is, about the stance of the international legal regime towards the legitimacy of the independence declaration of Donetsk and Luhansk Republics as well as the lawfulness of their recognition by other state. The hypothesis examined is that due to “the lack of evidentiary prof of injustice claimed against the Ukrainian government, lack of prerequisites of remedial Self-Determination, the violation of various principles of international law, the lack of the possession of statehood standards, the two enclaves’ declaration of independence is void of any legitimacy and since they are terrorist-like organisms within the sphere of competence and authority of the Ukrainian government, recognition of these enclaves as republics is considered to be an act of interference in the internal affairs of Ukraine, is illegal and recognizers shall bear international responsibility for their acts.” To this day, the legal reading of the illegality of the recognition of these two republics in a state of de jure adaptation has been compatible with the political performance of states, and these two entities have not been recognized by any independent sovereign state. In this paper a descriptive-analytical method has been applied and in the process of examining the mentioned hypothesis, an inductive methodology has been utilized. The theoretical foundations of this paper are the conceptualization of frozen conflicts and assessing the legitimacy of the separated states’ declaration of independence during these conflicts.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40575_ed45aea8d9710aade017fc1aea4054cf.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220Islamic Republic of Iran’sEconomic Opportunities
by means of Convergence with the Eurasian Economic UnionIslamic Republic of Iran’sEconomic Opportunities
by means of Convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union14116840577FAShahramFarsaeePhD Candidate of Political Science, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin,
Iran.HakemGhasemiAssociate Professor of Political Science, Imam Khomeini
International University, Qazvin, Iran.BahramNavazeniAssociate Professor of Political Science, Imam Khomeini
International University, Qazvin, Iran.Journal Article20200622Over the past few years, various viewpoints have beenproposed about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic development through its convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Some scholars argue that the necessity of Iran’s economic developments by means of regional economic convergence should put the EEU’s records of cultural relations and its member states’ geopolitical importance at the focal point of Iran’s economic foreign policy consideration. Others believe that converging with the EEU could pose some challenges to Iran and pave the way for Russia’s expansionist policies resulting in its greater political and economic influence in the region that will entangle Iran in a geopolitical rivalry. This study attempts to analyze the economic opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran resulting from its convergence with the EEU to answer for the following question: What economic opportunities will the integration of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the EEU create? The author argues that the mentioned convergence will reduce the impact of western sanctions and prepare the ground for Iran’s and its neighbors’ economic development as well as their foreign trade expansion.Over the past few years, various viewpoints have beenproposed about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic development through its convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Some scholars argue that the necessity of Iran’s economic developments by means of regional economic convergence should put the EEU’s records of cultural relations and its member states’ geopolitical importance at the focal point of Iran’s economic foreign policy consideration. Others believe that converging with the EEU could pose some challenges to Iran and pave the way for Russia’s expansionist policies resulting in its greater political and economic influence in the region that will entangle Iran in a geopolitical rivalry. This study attempts to analyze the economic opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran resulting from its convergence with the EEU to answer for the following question: What economic opportunities will the integration of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the EEU create? The author argues that the mentioned convergence will reduce the impact of western sanctions and prepare the ground for Iran’s and its neighbors’ economic development as well as their foreign trade expansion.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40577_3958f53d13f000006c688ac027e34d2a.pdfThe Ministry of foreign Affairs of Islamic Republic of IranCentral Asia and The Caucasus Journal2322-37662510820200220Iran’s Science Diplomacy in its Relations with ArmeniaIran’s Science Diplomacy in its Relations with Armenia17019740578FAElahehKolaeeProfessor of Regional Studies, Central Asia and Caucasian Studies, Tehran University, Tehran, Iran.Seyed MehdiHosseini TaghiabadPhD Candidate of History of Islamic Iran, Tehran University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20200622Science diplomacy has gained increasing importance in the field of international relations in the light of the rapid growth and increasing role of knowledge and technology in human life in the 21<sup>st</sup> century. On the one hand Iran's tendency to advance in the fields of science and technology and its achievements in these fields, and on the other hand the approach taken by its diplomatic apparatus in using soft power and its concentration on the increasing cooperation with its neighbors, have proposed science diplomacy as a suitable instrument to help Iran achieve its objectives. In this context, this study, utilizing a descriptive-analytical method, has tried to assess Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia as one its neighbor. First, a comprehensive picture of the concept of science diplomacy is provide, then while presenting a general picture of Iran-Armenia relations, the various dimensions of Iran’s applied science diplomacy in relations with Armina are examined. The authors have tried to answer for the following questions: “What are the positional and dimensional features of Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia? And by what means and how can this type of diplomacy be promoted?” The hypothesis put to test is that "Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia is not commensurate with the potential capacities and there are missing elements in all its dimensions that require initiatives to be noticed and incorporated in order to promote the ties. In the concluding part of the article, the findings, their analyses and results achieved have provided solid ground to offer suggestions to improve Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia.Science diplomacy has gained increasing importance in the field of international relations in the light of the rapid growth and increasing role of knowledge and technology in human life in the 21<sup>st</sup> century. On the one hand Iran's tendency to advance in the fields of science and technology and its achievements in these fields, and on the other hand the approach taken by its diplomatic apparatus in using soft power and its concentration on the increasing cooperation with its neighbors, have proposed science diplomacy as a suitable instrument to help Iran achieve its objectives. In this context, this study, utilizing a descriptive-analytical method, has tried to assess Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia as one its neighbor. First, a comprehensive picture of the concept of science diplomacy is provide, then while presenting a general picture of Iran-Armenia relations, the various dimensions of Iran’s applied science diplomacy in relations with Armina are examined. The authors have tried to answer for the following questions: “What are the positional and dimensional features of Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia? And by what means and how can this type of diplomacy be promoted?” The hypothesis put to test is that "Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia is not commensurate with the potential capacities and there are missing elements in all its dimensions that require initiatives to be noticed and incorporated in order to promote the ties. In the concluding part of the article, the findings, their analyses and results achieved have provided solid ground to offer suggestions to improve Iran’s science diplomacy in relations with Armenia.https://ca.ipisjournals.ir/article_40578_952af98aa6133e599c897b3532684e5a.pdf