The United States has been one of the most dynamic and influential actors in Central Asia during the past two decades. In fact, the imperatives of the US hegemony in the post-cold war ...
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The United States has been one of the most dynamic and influential actors in Central Asia during the past two decades. In fact, the imperatives of the US hegemony in the post-cold war world, in different terms such as colonialism and imperialism, caused the United States to be present in a far distant region on the basis of the three principles of promotion, expansion and interventionism. The existence of three US rivals; Russia, China and Iran in the neighborhood of this region and interaction or opposition of these three regional powers with the US goals, policies and approaches has shaped a large part of the New Great Game.
The above circumstances raise the following question: What approaches are taken by Russia, China and Iran to oppose or reduce the US influence in Central Asia? Have these approaches or reactions been the same or they have different natures? To answer these questions, a hypothesis is advanced that the behavioral models of Russia, China and Iran have not been the same and they have had some different experiences based on their relative advantages in geographical, geopolitical, political, defensive, security, cultural and civilizational fields of Central Asia as well as their respective bilateral relations with the US.
This article tries to test this hypothesis and to provide a convincing, comprehensive and logical answer to the mentioned question by applying the theory of hegemony and some concepts such as counter- hegemonic as well as hard and soft balance
In the multipolar system with the supremacy of a single pole, international agendas are usually determined by the hegemonic power. The hegemonic power has also more freedom of act in ...
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In the multipolar system with the supremacy of a single pole, international agendas are usually determined by the hegemonic power. The hegemonic power has also more freedom of act in determination of goals, interests and countering with its oppositions in a comparison with bipolar and multipolar structures. An example of the mentioned composition of international agendas can be seen in the area of determining energy corridors. TAPI pipeline is a good instance. This pipeline has been proposed as an alternative of the peace pipeline. Despite its strategic and geo-economic situation of Iran, this project tries to exclude Iran from regional and international political equations. This literature addresses the following main question: Which factors lead to the suspension of the executive trend of the peace pipeline and its being replaced by TAPI pipeline? In order to answer the mentioned question, the following hypothesis is used: Structural pressures of the international system through “socialization” and “competition”, and their impact on decisions and policy makings of those countries that participated in the TAPI gas pipeline project, are the main cause for the suspension of the executive trend of peace pipeline and its being replaced by TAPI pipeline.
The Islamic Republic of Iran and Armenia enjoy amity and a relationship free from tension due to geopolitical concerns and an overlap of their interests and foreign policy goals. This ...
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The Islamic Republic of Iran and Armenia enjoy amity and a relationship free from tension due to geopolitical concerns and an overlap of their interests and foreign policy goals. This has led to an increase in bilateral economic cooperation. Nevertheless, having a limited and fragile economy, Armenia has never been meeting economic needs of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Still, Yerevan can play a significant role as a linking bridge for the exportation of gas to the Caucasus, Ukraine and Eastern Europe, through the pipeline, known as "White Stream".
This paper argues that the possible involvement of Iran in the White Stream project is favorable to the interests of exporting countries, transit countries and end-users, while the energy strategies of the United States and Russia are considered as a hindrance for that. Ukraine crisis in 2014 has added to this complexity, though it has highlighted the importance of the issue.
Volume 19, Issue 82 , September 2013, , Pages 131-165
Abstract
Collapse of the Soviet Union has transformed power relations and balance of forces at regional levels. Furthermore, the regional and trans-regional powers that had been previously ...
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Collapse of the Soviet Union has transformed power relations and balance of forces at regional levels. Furthermore, the regional and trans-regional powers that had been previously deprived of playing a key role by the former Soviet Union, were given the chance to increase their influence in south of the former Soviet Union. This is while Iran and Turkey have started fierce rivalry to influence over Central Asia and the Caucasus. These two regional countries neighboring Central Asia and the Caucasus enjoy long standing geographical and historical background and age-old civilizations. Thus Understanding the basis of Iran and Turkey foreign policies on Central Asia and the Caucasus and the factors affecting them are of great significance. The current research aims to assess the basis of the foreign policies adopted by Iran and Turkey as the influential factors in convergence or divergence of these two countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus in line with their capabilities. It also analyzes consequences of the policies adopted by these two countries in regard to the combinational theory. The main question of the current research is: What is the basis of foreign policies adopted by Iran and Turkey in the new geopolitics of Central Asia and the Caucasus. The research attempts to analyze foreign policies of Iran and Turkey in the light of four common variables of the New Theory2 including patterns of amity and enmity between the states, mutual and heavy dependence, geographical proximity, economic and geopolitical factors of power, i.e. rich energy resources, transit routes, etc.
Volume 17, Issue 75 , November 2012, , Pages 27-49
Abstract
The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share ...
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The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share a deep common historical trauma rooted in the Soviet era and suffer from a disserviceexperience. Economic mismanagement, corruption, social hardship, weak institutions, conflicting tendencies toward authoritarianism and reformism, ethnic discords, border unrests and several silent crises in the region are the Soviet legacy for the three countries. The article seeks to examine the security problems of South Caucasus (Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia), trans-regional powers' views (United States, EU, NATO) toward the security of South Caucasus and perspective of the regional powers (Turkey, Russian Federation, the Islamic Republic of Iran) visa-a-vis the region. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of "regional security complexes" initiated by Barry Buzan, but will be integrated with his new theory of inter-subjective securitization to propose a layout beyond the classic theory of security complexes.
Volume 17, Issue 75 , November 2012, , Pages 113-138
Abstract
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the main regional institutions in which Iran may utilize, with its effective presence in it, from its instrumental and rightfulness ...
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Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the main regional institutions in which Iran may utilize, with its effective presence in it, from its instrumental and rightfulness capacities to increase its interests. Despite the micro interests, one of the macro advantages of effective membership in the organization is the relative participation in regulating the border arrangements of the country's north. In spite of these clear advantages, existing trends indicate that Tehran doesn't an effective role in it. Among various factors, applying single way approach rather pragmatic one and its reliance on "prior assumptions" such as substantive opposition of the SCO to the West, "assumptions" of perpetual "hostility" between Moscow and Washington and considering Russia as a "strategic partner" for Iran are of main reasons in this failure. With the help of "friends" in the organization, as a consequent, Iran has been seeking a counter front against the West. Contrary, relying on the principle of "pragmatism" in its foreign policy, Russia has always been simply considering SCO and its members as a means for securing its own “real” interests. Comparing Tehran with Moscow’s approach toward SCO with a descriptive explanatory method, the article is to analyze the cause of Iran’s failure in its presence.
Volume 16, Issue 71 , November 2011, , Pages 17-54
Abstract
Looking deep into the Central Asia will reveal a region with plenty of intact talents and capacities drawing regional and ultra regional powers' attention to. Iran has also deep ties ...
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Looking deep into the Central Asia will reveal a region with plenty of intact talents and capacities drawing regional and ultra regional powers' attention to. Iran has also deep ties and many commonalities with the Central Asia. Despite the incentives and the willingness of both Iran and the countries in the region and even the considerable progress in multilateral relations, there is still much to manage using these capacities for regional cooperation and integration. There exist issues including energy and its transport, transit of goods, mutual economic needs, Islamic extremism, drug trafficking, identity and cultural crises, that needs Iran to deal with in the regional extensive cooperation and integration.
Volume 16, Issue 70 , November 2011, , Pages 121-160
Abstract
Energy security is generally defined as to the availability of adequate and reliable supply of energy to meet the demand and is of issues linked directly to the governments and the ...
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Energy security is generally defined as to the availability of adequate and reliable supply of energy to meet the demand and is of issues linked directly to the governments and the political units. Having considerable reserves of energy and privileged geopolitical situation (neighboring the two oil-rich Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea regions), Iran has always drown the regional as well as international powers' attention.
Iran's situation in oil and gas production and their transportation in a relatively stable Persian Gulf have always been acknowledged by all actors, but this role in the Caspian Sea requires more attention within the Iranian decision-makers due to severe and rapid changes after the Soviet collapse. In addition to serious attempts in reaching consensus on the Caspian Sea legal regime based on our national interests, extensive ties with the Caspian Sea littoral states, especially the Russian Federation and the Republics of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan should not be neglected.
This article is attempting to discuss different aspects of energy security, Iran's stand, current and under construction transportation routes and the policies pursued by international and regional powers.
