‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Chinese Development Assistance to Central Asian Countries

somayeh Mokhtari; Mehdi Fakheri

Volume 29, Issue 124 , May 2024, , Pages 3-28

Abstract

  Central Asia is considerably important in China’s foreign policy because of its geographical proximity. Ensuring regional security, combating terrorism, and procuring part of ...  Read More Central Asia is considerably important in China’s foreign policy because of its geographical proximity. Ensuring regional security, combating terrorism, and procuring part of energy needs would not be possible without cooperating with Central Asian countries.  By incrementing trade, investing in infrastructure projects, and providing development assistance, China pursues its foreign policy objectives in the region and encourages its neighbors to keep their distance from the United States and other Western countries.  Chinese aid to Central Asia has succeeded those of other donor countries; however, the context and purposes have been rather different. China considers itself a developing country and claims to know the developmental needs and requirements of such countries, avoiding in this way interfering in their internal affairs with the pretext of offering them aid. This research aims to respond to the question “What objectives does China pursue by offering development assistance to developing countries and what would be the implications it might have in Central Asian countries?” The response unveils the changes that China, by appealing to their aid, may have attempted to induce in Central Asia from 2000 to 2020. The findings of the investigation indicate that The PRC, striving to lock the core processes of production within its borders, has merely focused on devoting status-quo aids to the developing countries in the two sectors of infrastructure and energy, contrary to other donors’ aid-seeking to essentially alter the recipient's status-quo institutions. In theory, China, strategically complying with the two principles of respect for the recipient's sovereignty and mutual economic benefits, is not interested in disturbing the status quo. But in practice, the approach is rather different.

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The Impact of the Ukraine War on Central Asia: The Rise of China or the Strengthening of Multilateralism

Maryam Hasheminejad Ashrafi; Amirmohamad Moghani; Kian Ebtekar; Shahab Alddin Shokri; Majid Raoufi; Abbas Maleki

Volume 29, Issue 124 , May 2024, , Pages 83-114

Abstract

  The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia ...  Read More The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia has a strong role and influence. Factors such as Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, and this country's focus on its ability to disrupt equations in its favor, which subsequently causes changes in its national and foreign policies, open paths for new questions. Such as whether the war in Ukraine and its consequences have caused Russia's role to diminish, or we can even say Russia's hegemony (especially from a security point of view) in Central Asia? In this case, is China, another influential and powerful actor in the region, going to fill the vacuum of Russian influence? Or will the countries of the region take advantage of the opportunity this time and highlight other regional actors such as India, Turkey, Iran, or trans regional actors such as the European Union in their foreign policy? In order to answer these questions, this research has tried to investigate the variables of China and Russia's sources of power and influence in Central Asia, and their changes after the Ukraine war. After evaluating the prospects of challenges and the opportunities created by this war for the influence of China and Russia in this region will provide scenarios for the future situation in Central Asia and the influential actors in the region.

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Japan’s Public Diplomacy in Central Asia

Seyed Ahmadreza Fayazi; Mohammadreza Dehshiri

Volume 28, Issue 120 , March 2023, , Pages 87-112

Abstract

  In the era of globalization, which has been accompanied by evident changes in international system, the importance of non-governmental players has been increasing and public diplomacy ...  Read More In the era of globalization, which has been accompanied by evident changes in international system, the importance of non-governmental players has been increasing and public diplomacy has turned into one of the most important types of diplomacy which has been the implications of the increasing importance of the role of public opinion in international affairs. Japan has been one of the countries which have been using public diplomacy as a means for creating a positive image for the country. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Central Asian countries, the expansion of Japan’s relations with mentioned countries has become more important due to the region’s strategic position and rich oil, gas, rare metal, and uranium resources. Through soft power and presenting a positive image of the country, Japan has become a successful model for the development of Central Asian countries and has penetrated into the heart and mind of the Central Asian people and politicians. In the present research, we have analyzed the elements of Japan’s public diplomacy in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research states: why Japan’s approach in Central Asia has been based on enhancing public diplomacy and maximum exploitation of soft power geocultural competition with China and Russia? Answering this question, we can say that while China has been focused on economic dimension and Russia has been focused on security dimension, Japan has tried to enter this strategic region by relying on its soft power attractions and has been seeking to become a cultural power. Japan influenced the public opinion of these countries through three key components of cultural diplomacy, scientific and educational diplomacy, and providing developmental helps. The research method of this research is descriptive-analytical.

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The Factors of the Stability of Authoritarian Governments in Central Asia An Ancient Heritage and a Modern Superstructure

ٍEzzatollah Hemmati; Elaheh Koolaee

Volume 28, Issue 120 , March 2023, , Pages 137-161

Abstract

  After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and ...  Read More After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and instability. The main question of the present research states: which factor leads us to political and sovereign stability? And what has been the extent of the Soviet Union’s role and influence in this stability? The hypothesis and answer to this question is based on this foundation that the continuity of the former party leaders’ governance, traditions of political patriarchy, and the effective heritage of the Soviet Union in establishing political, civil, and social institutions in these countries have been the most important factors of this stability. Each of the leaders of these republics has tried to establish the foundations of legitimacy and acceptability on the basis of traditions and continue their authoritarian ruling on this basis. The heritage of Lenin and Stalin’s nation-building and Soviet Union’s developmental policies, as well as forty years of governing experience by indigenous people in these countries and its combination with traditional authoritarianism has led to political and social stability in Central Asian Republics after independence. The main purpose of the present research is to understand the political complexities in Central Asia and find the historical roots of contemporary trends and the effect of nation-building process in these countries and a delicate comparison with their neighbor, Afghanistan, which is faced with instability due to the absence of nation-building and the non-effective heritage of Britain. In this research, in addition to benefitting from personal and field experiences, library resources has been used on the basis of content analysis of historical events and sociological perspective.

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 Turkey’s Economic Diplomacy in Central Asia

Hashem Ghaderi; ahmad bakhshi

Volume 28, Issue 119 , December 2022, , Pages 61-88

Abstract

  In recent two decades, Turkey has consolidated its presence in Central Asian countries and played an active role in political and cultural spheres in this region. Through cultural and ...  Read More In recent two decades, Turkey has consolidated its presence in Central Asian countries and played an active role in political and cultural spheres in this region. Through cultural and ethnic ties and also reconstructing their economies structurally, Turkey has been able to extend its influence in Central Asian countries. The main question of the research addresses the purposes and implications of Turkey’s presence in Central Asia and for answering the main question, this hypothesis has been tested that Turkey is trying to create the organization of Turkish speaking countries in order to promote its political, security, and cultural influence and avoid lagging behind Iran and Russia. Data gathering method has been document-based, research strategy has been deductive, and research methodology has been based on process detection inspired by economic diplomacy literature within the realist theory. The findings of the research indicate that the main purposes of Turkey for promoting economic diplomacy in Central Asia are as follows: rivalry with Iran and Russia, establishing the council of Turkish-speaking countries, changing its geopolitical position, diversification of its energy resources, military cooperation, security issues, and etc.

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Threat perception in Iran-Saudi relations in the Middle East and Central Asia

Ali karami; Mohammad Reza Aqrabparast

Volume 28, Issue 118 , September 2022, , Pages 139-165

Abstract

  AbstractThe causes of wars and conflicts at different levels in international relations can be investigated and interrogated from the perspective of threat perception. Threat perception ...  Read More AbstractThe causes of wars and conflicts at different levels in international relations can be investigated and interrogated from the perspective of threat perception. Threat perception is an intervening factor that effects the decision of countries to enter into war, deterrence, coercion, alliance and any other options. The relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important powers of the Middle East and Southwest Asia, which have undergone a serious metamorphosis especially after the Islamic Revolution and changed from cooperative -oriented to competitive approach, can also be analyzed from this point of view. The question of the present research is how the threat perception has influenced the foreign policy’s direction of Iran and Saudi Arabia (especially in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia) towards each other? The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical and its data collection method is based on documentary research. This study deals with one of the most recent crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, i.e. the tensions created after the execution of Sheikh Nimr by the Saudi family and the cessation of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 2016. By focusing on this crisis, which is different from the previous crises in the foreign relations of the two countries, this research aims to examine the relevance of threat perception in their foreign relations during this period of time. By applying the theoretical framework of threat perception and Cohen's desired indicators of threat perception, i.e. the statements of decision makers and leaders and their reaction to threats, as well as their confrontational behavior against threat perception, the research findings show that this factor plays a prominent and undeniable role in shaping the foreign policy of the two countries as well as the controversies of their leaders in the two regions of the Middle East and Central Asia.

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Afghanistan Role in Campaigns of Central Asia Security Complex from 2000 to 2020

Mohammadreza Dehshiri; Seyed Mehdi Mirkazemi

Volume 27, Issue 116 , March 2022, , Pages 29-58

Abstract

    Read More

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Pipeline Politics in Central Asia: Iran’s Interests and Options

Ghodratollah Behboudi nejad

Volume 27, Issue 115 , December 2021

Abstract

  Energy security is a cornerstone of foreign policy of the great powers. Energy resources of the Caspian Sea and Central Asia as two critical geopolitical areas are of great importance ...  Read More Energy security is a cornerstone of foreign policy of the great powers. Energy resources of the Caspian Sea and Central Asia as two critical geopolitical areas are of great importance for regional and trans-regional states. Due to the huge opportunities these two regions present out of the OPEC context, they have appeared as a large chess board. Aimed at energy security and providing diversity of resources, the Caspian region is a great competition scene for players like the US, China, the EU, Russia, Iran, and India. There exists a great game of oil policies and pipeline diplomacies in this region. The present article aims to provide answer for the question what are the challenges and opportunities of the great powers plans in the Central Asia and Caspian for Iran and what are the policy options of Iran to tackle the Challenges? Iran’s policy options in this rivalry is to make efforts to get rid of the sanctions, adopt an economic diplomacy, strengthen domestic infrastructures in order to implement economic activities in the region, contribute to economic plans of great powers in the region and economic investment and partnership with the regional countries in bilateral and multilateral frameworks.

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Explaining the Nexus Approach in the Hydropolitical Relations of the Central Asian Region

Yashar Zaki; Sarem Shiravand

Volume 27, Issue 114 , September 2021, , Pages 34-63

Abstract

  a      The link between water, energy and food has become a common concept in environmental change research and policy discussions, which, by identifying the optimal ...  Read More a      The link between water, energy and food has become a common concept in environmental change research and policy discussions, which, by identifying the optimal policy combinations and governance arrangements in the water, energy and food sectors, promotes coherence in practiced policies. On the other hand, border disputes over water resources, along with the inequitable distribution of water resources in the Central Asian region, have led to the emergence of serious disputes in the relations between the countries of this region. In fact, geography can be considered the most important factor in creating disputes in the field of water. According to this, The question of the article is how to analyze the hydropolitics of extraterritorial waters in the Central Asian region from the perspective of Nexus approach? The paper hypothesizes that the water-food-energy Nexus Approach, as a holistic approach in the Central Asian region, is a new and effective approach to the depoliticization of the extraterritorial waters issue. This approach, instead of focusing on each sector (water, food or energy) separately and on each country of the region, can holistically address the governance of the interactions between sectors and policies in all countries of the Aral Sea Basin and prevent partiality and the challenges arising from the reductionism attitude in this region. The research method is explanatory-analytical and data and information have been collected in the form of library documents using resources and articles available in cyberspace and scientific reports.

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The Silk Road Initiative and China's Energy Security in Central Asia

Ali Kave; Qasim Torabi; Alireza Rezaei

Volume 27, Issue 114 , September 2021, , Pages 131-158

Abstract

  Energy security in China's macro-policy ensures the continuation of economic growth and the promotion of China’s position in the international system, so that ensuring energy ...  Read More Energy security in China's macro-policy ensures the continuation of economic growth and the promotion of China’s position in the international system, so that ensuring energy supply not being disrupted is an inviolable principle in the pursuit of China's national interests. . In such a situation, China, as one of the largest energy consuming countries in the world, has employed, in the light of the Silk Road initiative and for the insurance of its energy security, various methods such as massive investments in the exploration and extraction of oil and gas fields and strengthening energy infrastructure to improve productivity and expand participation in oil and gas projects in Central Asia. In this regard, the main purpose of this article is to examine the goals of the Silk Road Initiative in the field of energy in the Central Asian region. Given this goal, the main question of the article is what goals does China pursue in Central Asia through the Silk Road Energy Initiative? In response to this hypothesis, China seeks to secure its energy through long-term contracts with and investments in Central Asian countries through the implementation of the Silk Road initiative. The findings of the present study show that China, in the form of the Silk Road belt, by investing and concluding long-term energy contracts in the Central Asian region, while strengthening its presence and growing influence in the region, has ensured its energy security and economic development and has found a reliable strategic position for itself regarding the Middle East oil resources. The research method of this article is descriptive-analytical.

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The Nature of Relations between Germany and the Russian Federation in Central Asia

Khosro Karkhiran; Saeeid Vosoughi; Shahroz Ebrahimi

Volume 27, Issue 113 , June 2021, , Pages 61-84

Abstract

  Gaining political independence and sovereignty, at the end of the unification process, confronted Germany with new foreign policy challenges. On the other hand, The Russian Federation, ...  Read More Gaining political independence and sovereignty, at the end of the unification process, confronted Germany with new foreign policy challenges. On the other hand, The Russian Federation, as the successor to the collapsed empire of the Soviet Union, seeks to limit the damages caused by this collapse by creating new structures in its foreign policy strategies at the regional and global levels. Meanwhile, Central Asia has become an important area for the activation of regional and trans-regional powers , due to the political and geographical situation created after the demise of the bipolar system, because it is rich in huge hydrocarbon resources. Thus, Germany and Russia have defined broad interests for themselves due to reasons such as the membership of the Central Asian republics in the former Soviet Union, as well as the presence of German and Russian minorities in the region that has changed the nature of relations between the two countries in the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union and Germany. Therefore, this article intends to ask the question, with a descriptive-analytical method and based on the theoretical framework of constructivism, whether the relationship between Germany and the Russian Federation in Central Asia is cooperative or competitive in nature? The results of this article indicate that the relations between the two countries, despite their ups and downs and the lack of trust between the two sides, had a cooperative and stable nature in the Central Asian region and commercial, economic, and energy priorities are at the core of these relationships.

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Iran and Sino-Russian Axis in Central Asia

Farzaneh Safary; Hamid Ahmadi; Kayhan Barzegar

Volume 26, Issue 109 , May 2020, , Pages 103-138

Abstract

  Central Asia is of great significance for Iran in terms of geopolitical and geostrategic links. In the meanwhile, China and Russia have also paid more attention to Central Asia in recent ...  Read More Central Asia is of great significance for Iran in terms of geopolitical and geostrategic links. In the meanwhile, China and Russia have also paid more attention to Central Asia in recent years and have put forward many initiatives to extend their influence and assert their superiority. This article studies the dimensions and features of Sino-Russian axis in Central Asia and the opportunities that the strategies of the two countries in this region would provide for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Based on the descriptive-analytical research method, the article looks for an appropriate answer to the question on how the Islamic Republic of Iran can get closer to the fulfillment of its interests in that region amid the regional purposes of Moscow and Beijing in Central Asia. The hypothesis is that “China and Russia’s mutual concerns about the security, economic and institutional interests have forced the two countries to adopt coordinated policies. This would bring about regional balance, as the Islamic Republic of Iran can adopt a defensive participation approach in such circumstance to get closer to the fulfillment of its economic and security interests in the region.” The theoretical pillars of the article are based upon the theories of defensive and offensive (structural) realists, and the findings are the result of data gathered from the libraries, documents, sources in the virtual space, and the statistics and figures.

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Russian Federation and Russian - Oriented Institutionalism in Central Asia

Seyed abbas Ahmadi Korch; Sarem Shiravand

Volume 25, Issue 107 , March 2020, , Pages 1-36

Abstract

  After the collapse of the USSR and the development of new Russia, the areas that impacted directly on Russia’s security, came into a higher significance. The dominance of geopolitical ...  Read More After the collapse of the USSR and the development of new Russia, the areas that impacted directly on Russia’s security, came into a higher significance. The dominance of geopolitical discourse in Russia and a reliance on historical visions made the near abroad doctrine a priority in Russia’s foreign policy. Russia’s new security strategy also shifted from a global strategy with restrictive approach to a regional one applying an unrestrictive approach. In order to secure its security in the new era, Russia has defined three security circles which respectively are a) Russia; b) Russian Federation (Russia plus the autonomous but dependent Republics); c) near abroad (Central Asia). The present paper tries assess the role and nature of Russian – oriented institutionalism in its policy makings in Central Asia, using Volker Rittberger’s theory. The authors argue that the three cognitive, hegemonic and question oriented factors of the mentioned theory are all applied in Russian institutionalism in Central Asia, each with a different weight and effectiveness. In other words, Russia had mostly been focused on the latter two. Using explanatory - analytical methodology and library resources, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer for the mentioned question.

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EU's New Strategy in Central Asia and Transition from a Normative Power to a Pragmatic Actor

Ali Reza koohkan; Leila karimi

Volume 25, Issue 107 , March 2020, , Pages 127-158

Abstract

  The European Union's approach to Central Asia has undergone major developments over the past three decades. Compared to the EU's previous strategy in Central Asia (March 2007), its ...  Read More The European Union's approach to Central Asia has undergone major developments over the past three decades. Compared to the EU's previous strategy in Central Asia (March 2007), its new strategy (May 2019) is influenced by the EU's changing global attitude towards external sovereignty. The present paper tries to answer the following questions: "What are the developments of the EU strategy in Central Asia since the independence of the Central Asian Republics and what reasons lay behind these changes?" In order to find an answer for the questions mentioned above, the hypothesis which has been tested is: "the European Union's strategy in Central Asia is gradually moving away from applying external sovereignty of European values in Central Asia towards external sovereignty of technical criteria and is trying to increase resilience of the countries of this region based on pragmatism with the goal of greater profit. The reason for this change is the negative response of the Central Asian governments to the export of European values and the EU's decreasing benefits of the region compared to other actors." Using descriptive - analytical research methodology the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.  The theoretical framework underlying this study is the binary of normative power Europe versus the decentralization agenda. The findings of the paper confirm its hypothesis.

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Renewable Energy and Regional Cooperation in Central Asia

Ghafar zarei

Volume 25, Issue 106 , August 2019, , Pages 59-90

Abstract

  Central Asia has many capacities to generate and use renewable energy. Addressing energy insecurity in the region may be the strongest incentive for Central Asian governments to develop ...  Read More Central Asia has many capacities to generate and use renewable energy. Addressing energy insecurity in the region may be the strongest incentive for Central Asian governments to develop renewable energy resources. Central Asia is rich in hydrocarbon reserves, but the uneven distribution of these resources across countries, burnout of facilities and inefficient energy management, threaten development of the whole region. However, moving towards alternative energy will also have many other advantages for the Central Asia region, including decreasing concerns about energy security in the region. Promoting regional cooperation is one of the definitive benefits of expanding renewable resources in Central Asian countries that the present paper seeks to address. The present literature tries to find an answer for the following questions: "How do implementing renewable energy projects by central Asian countries affect regional cooperation; and why?” The author argues that due to interdependence of the Central Asian countries in the field of energy, the renewable energy resources as their ​​common interest (and not as a parallel, divergent or conflicting interest) as well as the need for regional countries to have an integrated energy system, implementing renewable energy projects by the Central Asian countries can enhance intergovernmental cooperation in regional integration arena. Using descriptive-analytical method and the causal methodology the author tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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De-Securitization in Central Asia: Causes and Contexts

Elahe koolaee; Vali Kouzehgar Kaleji

Volume 25, Issue 106 , August 2019, , Pages 121-157

Abstract

    Central Asia has been characterized by some regional disputes and tensions including the securitization of border and territorial disputes, water and environment issues, ...  Read More   Central Asia has been characterized by some regional disputes and tensions including the securitization of border and territorial disputes, water and environment issues, ethnic and linguistic identities, communication corridors and energy transmission lines for more than two decades. However, it has gradually entered a new era of detente and de-securitization since a decade ago that is the transformation of an issue from an urgent political situation into a normal one. This trend has intensified in the past decade with the new generation of regional leaders and the normalization of Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations. As a result of these developments, many issues such as water, environment, borders and crossings, communication corridors and energy transmission lines, have been gradually taken out of their past securitized situation and have entered into a normal one. The present literature addresses the question that what causes and contexts have led to the détente and de-securitization in Central Asia? In order to reply the mentioned question, the hypothesis can be put forward that "the advent of a new generation of Central Asian leaders as securitizing actors, the new discourse of new leaders and elites, the shared benefits of expanding energy transmission lines and communication and transit corridors as well as common water and environmental threats, have led to detente and de-securitization in Central Asia".  In order to evaluate the proposed hypothesis, the author attempts to provide a better understanding of the new developments taking place in Central Asia by applying the theoretical concepts and components of securitization and de-securitization as presented in Copenhagen security school.  

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Drug Trafficking and Terrorist Violations in Central Asia

Sakineh Hasehmi; Zahra Mohammadi

Volume 25, Issue 106 , August 2019, , Pages 159-182

Abstract

  The linkage between terrorism and drugs in Central Asia is commonly based upon a simplified perception of Afghanistan’s situation. Accordingly the violation that is derived from ...  Read More The linkage between terrorism and drugs in Central Asia is commonly based upon a simplified perception of Afghanistan’s situation. Accordingly the violation that is derived from the drug trafficking in the region is usually understood within the same conceptual framework. The present literature addressed the concept of Narco-terrorism and believes that drug trade is not the main factor for terrorist activities in Central Asia. The authors try to find an answer for the following question: How does drug trafficking from Central Asian corridors impact the spread of terrorism in the region? The authors argue that drug trafficking through the Central Asian corridors, facilitate the terrorism in the region but still the violations are less relevant to transnational terrorist groups and more linked to indigenous combatant ones. Using descriptive-analytical methodology and library resources, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.  

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Rivalry and Divergence in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Through the lens of China – Russia and India - Pakistan disagreements)

Seyed Majid Qafelehbashi

Volume 25, Issue 105 , May 2019, , Pages 101-132

Abstract

  The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with ...  Read More The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with serious questions. The most long lasting bilateral disagreement in SCO is the issue about Kashmir between India and Pakistan. A divergence of Beijing and Moscow’s perception about international system and their different expectations from SCO – besides some other factors) also has led to disintegration in Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The present article tries to find an answer for the following question: what are the main internal rivalries in SCO and how will they affect its consistency and future? The author addresses the hypothesis that “the rivalry between China and Russia for determining SCO’s approach and outlines as well as the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan are the SCO’s main challenges. The former through scattering SCO’s priorities and the latter one through weakening security and defensive relations among the members prevents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from its future integration and improvement”.

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Turkey's Foreign Policy Outlines in Central Asia

Amin Kooshki; Ali Basiriniya

Volume 25, Issue 105 , May 2019, , Pages 161-190

Abstract

  With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ankara was very hopeful about the implementation of pan – Turkism. Turkey's expectations in this regard were largely based on the fact that ...  Read More With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ankara was very hopeful about the implementation of pan – Turkism. Turkey's expectations in this regard were largely based on the fact that the Central Asian Republics would welcome the idea and at the same time, revival of Russian power was unlikely. Nevertheless, neither the ideology of Pan-Turkism nor Ottomanism led to the victory of its ideals over realities of the region and the international system. The main purpose of this literature is to examine the areas and influential motivations which affect a change of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in Central Asia. Therefore, the present paper addresses the following question: “How Turkey's foreign policy in Central Asia has been affected by developments during the twenty-first century?” The initial response of the authors to this question, based on the preliminary evidence, emphasizes that Turkey's foreign policy outlines in Central Asia during the twenty-first century was influenced by the following factors: a failure to reach tangible achievements through its presence in the Central Asia; the rejection of Pan-Turkism ideology by the Central Asian societies; the presence of the West in the region; and the failure of the unwritten alliance of Turkish government with the Gülenists”. In order to examine the mentioned hypothesis, the theoretical framework of classical neo-realism has been applied. 

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CAREC and the Perspective of Energy Security in Central Asia

Mohammad Ali Khosravi

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 1-32

Abstract

                Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) is a regional union of eleven countries in Central Asia, ...  Read More               Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation (CAREC) is a regional union of eleven countries in Central Asia, South Asia, South Caucasus and China. This program was established in 2001 by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and has some noticeable achievements in four areas of transportation, energy, trade facilitation and trade policies. It tries to promote energy security in the region through the CAREC Energy Strategy and Work Plan. The present article attempts to find an answer for the following question: Does CAREC Energy Strategy and Work Plan has the potential for promoting energy security in Central Asia, and why? The author argues that although CAREC is the most important regional initiative for energy provisions in Central Asia, it lacks a proper potentiality for promoting energy security in Central Asia due to prioritizing bilateral and multilateral projects instead of inclusive regional ones; focusing on benefit making for investors instead of transfer of technology to the region; and its instability. Using explanatory – analytical method and through a documentary – library research, the author tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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De-Securitization of Uzbekistan-Tajikistan Relations: Causes and Ramifications

Vali Kouzehgar Kaleji

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 119-156

Abstract

  The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, ...  Read More The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, arouses the following questions: a) What are the causes for détente and de-securitization in Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations? b) What ramifications does the mentioned issue bring along?In order to answer the mentioned questions, the author argues that the change in Uzbekistan’s leadership and Mirziyoyev’s effort for domestic growth and development, developing and extending energy pipelines and corridors in the region, besides leaving Karimov’scult of personality have all led to transforming Uzbekistan’s foreign policy and strengthening regional cooperation with the participation of five Central Asian states.In order to assess the literature’s hypothesis, the author addresses Tajikistan and Uzbekistan’s relations in two specific eras of securitization (1991-2016) and de-securitization (since September 2016), based on descriptive-analytical method and applying theoretical concepts and factors of (de)securitization within the Copenhagen School of security.During the first decade that encompasses a long period of Karimov’s leadership in Uzbekistan (1991-2016), many social (ethnicity, language and culture) and economic (water resources and environment) issues between the both nations were deviated from their natural and normal direction and became politicized and securitized. However, during the letter era, Uzbekistan was experiencing an evolution that was derived of two main reasons; a) a change of elites and actors in Uzbekistan,particularly Karimov and Inoyatov; b) Mirziyoyev’s taking the power. The mentioned factors changed Uzbekistan’s dominant discourse towards Tajikistan. This discourse change led to a better cooperation among the five Central Asian states in diverse areas without an involvement of external powers especially the Russian Federation and China.  

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China and Imported Extremism from Central Asia

Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour; Aseih Poor Ghorban

Volume 24, Issue 103 , December 2018, , Pages 65-99

Abstract

  The present literature attempts to throw light on extremism in Xinxiang, its causes and strengthening factors. Furthermore the central government’s transaction and proceedings ...  Read More The present literature attempts to throw light on extremism in Xinxiang, its causes and strengthening factors. Furthermore the central government’s transaction and proceedings towards the citizens of that province in scrutinized. Regional and racial divergence of Xinxiang Uighurs in contrast to China’s main population, besides susceptibility from extremist and Islamist groups in Central Asia are among the causes of extremism in Xinxiang. This land is prone to instability and growing clashes between Han Chinese and indigenous Uighurs; the first one in an attempt to overwhelm, and the latter one for autonomy or dependence. Focusing on the effects of Central Asia extremism on separatism and extremism inclinations in Xinxiang, the authors try to find an answer for the following question: What strategies has China’s central government taken for containing extremism in Xinxiang? The authors argue that China’s government has taken a hybrid containment strategy. The strategy of developing China’s western regions; suppression strategy; religious control and population change are the most important internal measures taken by China’s government in economic; security; and cultural – societal sectors respectively. Strengthening economic relations with Xinxiang neighbors, investment in energy sectors in that region, Belt – Road Initiative, using potentialities of SCO, as well as designing a political – security strategy for stabilizing neighboring countries to Xinxiang, are the measures taken for the exterior dimension. Using explanatory – analytical research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research questions.

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Water and Sustainable Development in Central Asia

Moslem Karamzadi

Volume 24, Issue 102 , October 2018, , Pages 155-184

Abstract

  Water has a vital role in all aspects of human life. It is used for developing all areas including agriculture, industry, and human development. Potable water resources are very rare ...  Read More Water has a vital role in all aspects of human life. It is used for developing all areas including agriculture, industry, and human development. Potable water resources are very rare and unevenly distributed. The importance of water resources management is more highlighted in drylands or semi-arid lands. Central Asia is one of the drylands that the water shortage has impacted on its agriculture. The present article addresses the following question: Does correct and appropriate consume of water lead to sustainable development in Central Asia? The water shortage and uneven distribution of water resources, region’s economically dependence on agriculture and the vital role of water for development, as well as lack of intergovernmental cooperation for water resources management, are the main obstacles for the implementation of development, sustainable development and creation of opportunities for future generations. Using explanatory – analyzing method and referring to library and governmental and international documentary resources, the authors attempt to provide the hypothetical answer to the mentioned question.

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Russia Foreign Policy Challenges in Central Asia: Putin’s Second Presidency

Reza SImbar; Mehdi Padervand

Volume 24, Issue 101 , July 2018, , Pages 57-85

Abstract

  Following the collapse of USSR, Russia was neglected from a serious attention towards Central Asia and Caucasus countries due to its own internal issues. Therefore a geopolitical vacuum ...  Read More Following the collapse of USSR, Russia was neglected from a serious attention towards Central Asia and Caucasus countries due to its own internal issues. Therefore a geopolitical vacuum emerged in this region and was followed by the activities of both regional players (including Iran, Turkey and the Zionist Regime); and transregional ones (the US and NATO). The conceptualization of “Near Abroad” in Russia’s national security document in 2015 and Putin’s second presidency, as well as Russia’s political, economic and social ties with Central Asian Republics, all led to Russia’s serious attention once again towards the mentioned Republics, afterward referred to as Russia’s “backyard” or “sphere of influence”. In order to scrutinize Russia’s most important foreign policy challenges, using explanatory – analytical method, the present article attempts to answer the following question:  Which factors are within Russia’s most important foreign policy challenges for expanding its cooperation in Central Asia according to national security document and during Putin’s second presidency? Using defensive realism, the author believes that NATO’s expansion to East, terrorist activities in the region and United States unilateralism are Russia’s most important foreign policy challenges in Central Asia.

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China and US Antiterrorism Strategy in Central Asia

Ghasem Torabi; Mojgan Rezaei

Volume 23, Issue 100 , March 2018, , Pages 25-52

Abstract

  The present article mainly attempts to deliver a comparison between China and US policies in combating terrorism in Central Asia. Therefore it addresses the following question: Which ...  Read More The present article mainly attempts to deliver a comparison between China and US policies in combating terrorism in Central Asia. Therefore it addresses the following question: Which policies have been used by US and China for preventing the expansion of terrorism in Central Asia? The hypothesis is that these two actors have chosen a cooperative and interactive policy for combating terrorism. Central Asia’s security and stability has a greater importance for China. That is why China has some security considerations that have led this country to multilateralism while the United Sates is less inclined to it. The other differentiation is that US approach towards combating terrorism is military – based, while China emphasizes on political and economic methods.

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