The Russian Gazprom, one of the world's leading oil giants, is not only dominating over most Russian gas resources, but have made a vast attempt to seize the world energy markets as ...
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The Russian Gazprom, one of the world's leading oil giants, is not only dominating over most Russian gas resources, but have made a vast attempt to seize the world energy markets as well. Accordingly, the company is now enjoying a prominent position in the strategic energy equation. Without any support from Russian government, Gazprom could have not actualized the dream. Aiming at examining the stance of Gazprom in the World energy equations, the article is to explore the company's attempt to expand its global markets.
The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share ...
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The three South Caucasus countries of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia are located in a complex and volatile region at crossroad of Europe, Asia, and Middle East. These countries share a deep common historical trauma rooted in the Soviet era and suffer from a disserviceexperience. Economic mismanagement, corruption, social hardship, weak institutions, conflicting tendencies toward authoritarianism and reformism, ethnic discords, border unrests and several silent crises in the region are the Soviet legacy for the three countries. The article seeks to examine the security problems of South Caucasus (Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia), trans-regional powers' views (United States, EU, NATO) toward the security of South Caucasus and perspective of the regional powers (Turkey, Russian Federation, the Islamic Republic of Iran) visa-a-vis the region. The theoretical framework of this study is based on the concept of "regional security complexes" initiated by Barry Buzan, but will be integrated with his new theory of inter-subjective securitization to propose a layout beyond the classic theory of security complexes.
Approaching neo-functionalism, the article attempts to discuss achievements in three different periods of short, middle and long terms relations between Turkey and Armenia namely, opening ...
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Approaching neo-functionalism, the article attempts to discuss achievements in three different periods of short, middle and long terms relations between Turkey and Armenia namely, opening borders, normalization and reliable partners in economic, political, and security areas. In this regard, the article maintains the dynamics governing bilateral relations and their evolution in the given times and context of the region. In the short term, the focus is on the effects of opening borders on the two nations’ economy, while in the middle term the focus is on relief and operation of regional infrastructure remaining from the Soviet era and forming the new communication infrastructure and energy pipe lines and their compliance with the European projects as a gateway to the regional economic integration. Finally, the article discusses the split over the said areas in the long term that may lead to the new types of political alliances and coalitions and the resolution of the regional differences such as Karabakh. According to this approach, the future of the region is not only more sensible but more touchable to the interests of the parties involved, including the regional and ultra regional powers.
A common feature among the eight countries in the Central Asia and the South Caucasus region is the pluralistic ethnic structure that has had considerable negative impacts on not only ...
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A common feature among the eight countries in the Central Asia and the South Caucasus region is the pluralistic ethnic structure that has had considerable negative impacts on not only the nation-building but the state-building processes as well. Providing a convergence theoretical framework, the paper is attempting to explore and explain the dynamics of ethnic nationalism as the most important inner challenges of the states in the region. The main assumption of this study is the incidence of the three variables of authoritative structure of the states, ultra national streams affecting the ethnic nationalism and structure of the international system while have moved the ethnic elites to mobilize politically the ethnicities and caused the initiation, evolution and continuity of the disintegrating trends in the past two decades.
The paper concludes that the two variables of structure the international system and the trans-national streams will continue its affecting move and there would be no escape but to apply in the pluralistic societies, the political management method based on unity in multiplicity pattern in order to refrain from politicizing the ethnic phenomenon and disintegrating streams and to reform structurally the authoritative political systems of the states in the region.
This paper examines China’s goals and interests in the Central Asian region and its applying methods of power elements in pursuing them. The article firstly explores the theoretical ...
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This paper examines China’s goals and interests in the Central Asian region and its applying methods of power elements in pursuing them. The article firstly explores the theoretical discourses of power in the international relations literature especially realism and neo-realism and then explains the concept of soft power and its elements. In pursuing national interest of China in different regions of the world especially in Central Asia, the main method at the hands of Beijing statesmen is the application of soft power, the author maintains.
Volume 17, Issue 75 , November 2012, Pages 113-138
Abstract
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the main regional institutions in which Iran may utilize, with its effective presence in it, from its instrumental and rightfulness ...
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Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is one of the main regional institutions in which Iran may utilize, with its effective presence in it, from its instrumental and rightfulness capacities to increase its interests. Despite the micro interests, one of the macro advantages of effective membership in the organization is the relative participation in regulating the border arrangements of the country's north. In spite of these clear advantages, existing trends indicate that Tehran doesn't an effective role in it. Among various factors, applying single way approach rather pragmatic one and its reliance on "prior assumptions" such as substantive opposition of the SCO to the West, "assumptions" of perpetual "hostility" between Moscow and Washington and considering Russia as a "strategic partner" for Iran are of main reasons in this failure. With the help of "friends" in the organization, as a consequent, Iran has been seeking a counter front against the West. Contrary, relying on the principle of "pragmatism" in its foreign policy, Russia has always been simply considering SCO and its members as a means for securing its own “real” interests. Comparing Tehran with Moscow’s approach toward SCO with a descriptive explanatory method, the article is to analyze the cause of Iran’s failure in its presence.
Volume 17, Issue 75 , November 2012, Pages 139-159
Abstract
Interdependence in the economic-security areas, historical, ethnic and racial links, common security threats and concerns among the Central Asian states demonstrate a complex network ...
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Interdependence in the economic-security areas, historical, ethnic and racial links, common security threats and concerns among the Central Asian states demonstrate a complex network of extending forms of security relations which has made it hard to make to make clear cut border lines of national security of these countries. This interdependence and various links are more indicative of irrefutable necessity to the growth and development of mechanism based on intergovernmental cooperation to oppose, resolve or manage the security threats and other existing independencies in the regional level. Years of relations and dominant equations on the existing regional trends, however, show rare evidence of moving the Central Asian republics towards some cooperation-based arrangements. Developments in intergovernmental cooperation have faced many obstacles and challenges and a clear prospect does not appear in the near future. Accordingly, the article is to find the major obstacles in the way of growth and extension of cooperation among countries in the regional level. The hypotheses to examine are the political structures of the countries in the region, intergovernmental differences and rivalries, emphasis on extreme nationalism, unbalanced level of development, and a variety of actors.
