‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

The New Face of Russia's Nuclear Deterrence

Alireza Sheikh Mohammadi

Volume 25, Issue 108 , March 2020, , Pages 33-63

Abstract

  Despite economic entanglements and numerous international disputes, Russia has not abandoned its goal of creating a strategic deterrence against the United States over the past decade. ...  Read More Despite economic entanglements and numerous international disputes, Russia has not abandoned its goal of creating a strategic deterrence against the United States over the past decade. As the result of its efforts, Russia today has access to ultra-supersonic advanced strategic weapons and projectiles that distinguish it from other nuclear powers worldwide. The objectives pursued by this paper are to examine the dimensions and characteristics of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy, the reasons for adopted this strategy and its consequences for Russia's relations with Europe and the United States. Accordingly, the present paper seeks to provide appropriate answers for the following questions: "What is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy?” and “What are its implications for the troika of Russia-EU-US relations?" The author argues that "The ability to pose a direct threat to the United States, rather than a proxy threat to Europe, is the most prominent feature of Russia's new nuclear deterrence strategy that may lead to the proximity of Russia to the European Union and deepening the rift on both sides of the Atlantic. A qualitative method and descriptive-explanatory methodology is employed in this paper and its theoretical foundation is laid on the deterrence (nuclear) theory. 

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Russia, BRICS and Influencing the Structure of the International System

Mohammad Ali Shirkhani; Mohsen Chitsaz

Volume 26, Issue 111 , March 2020, , Pages 57-83

Abstract

  The growing strength of the BRICS countries over the past decades and the formation of this group in the last ten years, given the strategic, political and economic capabilities of ...  Read More The growing strength of the BRICS countries over the past decades and the formation of this group in the last ten years, given the strategic, political and economic capabilities of this group, has seriously raised the possibility of changing the structure of the international system. In the meantime, the study of Russia's goals in the formation of this group and the process of its development during the years of BRICS formation is of special interest due to its key role in the establishment of BRICS and its relationship with the current international system. The main question of the article is whether the BRICS influence on the international system is pursued with the aim of changing the existing order? In answer to this question, the hypothesis of the article is that the BRICS group is aimed at moderating the existing order by synergizing among its members and influencing the current power structure in the international system. The findings of the article show that the outcome of the BRICS goals is in line with the goals of Russia as one of the main BRICS members, despite the differences between this country and other members, in order to achieve the multiplicity of multiple centers of power worldwide. The method used is descriptive-analytical.

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Russian Cyber Deterrence from a European Perspective

Somayeh Ghanbari; Hossein Khani

Volume 26, Issue 111 , March 2020, , Pages 117-156

Abstract

  To understand why and how Moscow's internet capabilities are being used to defend against Western attacks, the present paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why Russia resorts ...  Read More To understand why and how Moscow's internet capabilities are being used to defend against Western attacks, the present paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why Russia resorts to cyber weapons against Western targets? What are the characteristics of Russia's cyber war against the West and how is it pursued?      This study is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and is of Ex-Post Facto (causal) research category. An Inferential methodology has been utilized to analyze data in the context of the concepts of cyber warfare and political cyber-attacks. The Findings show that Moscow uses cyber weapons against Western targets to counter the West's hostile actions, especially in post-communist territories, considering high denial possibility and weakness of its kinetic components.  The most important feature of Russia's cyber war against the West is the development of the concept of cyber deterrence in this country to create a balance under the condition of normal military and political competition. On this basis, Russia's hybrid war against the West is mainly waged through distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks, hacking, and utilizing malware.

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Islamic Republic of Iran’sEconomic Opportunities by means of Convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union

Shahram Farsaee; Hakem Ghasemi; Bahram Navazeni

Volume 25, Issue 108 , March 2020, , Pages 141-168

Abstract

  Over the past few years, various viewpoints have beenproposed about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic development through its convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union ...  Read More Over the past few years, various viewpoints have beenproposed about the Islamic Republic of Iran’s economic development through its convergence with the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Some scholars argue that the necessity of Iran’s economic developments by means of regional economic convergence should put the EEU’s records of cultural relations and its member states’ geopolitical importance at the focal point of Iran’s economic foreign policy consideration. Others believe that converging with the EEU could pose some challenges to Iran and pave the way for Russia’s expansionist policies resulting in its greater political and economic influence in the region that will entangle Iran in a geopolitical rivalry. This study attempts to analyze the economic opportunities of the Islamic Republic of Iran resulting from its convergence with the EEU to answer for the following question: What economic opportunities will the integration of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the EEU create? The author argues that the mentioned convergence will reduce the impact of western sanctions and prepare the ground for Iran’s and its neighbors’ economic development as well as their foreign trade expansion.

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Russia and the Arctic’s Security Environment: Military Modernization or Militarism?

Somayeh Ghanbari

Volume 25, Issue 106 , August 2019, , Pages 91-119

Abstract

  Although there are currently no indications of conflict in the Arctic, Moscow's attempts to strengthen its assets and military positions in the region have been interpreted largely ...  Read More Although there are currently no indications of conflict in the Arctic, Moscow's attempts to strengthen its assets and military positions in the region have been interpreted largely as militarism by Western media and political think tanks. However, all Russian strategic documents emphasize on Russia's economic profits being gained through the resources and routes of the Arctic and do not refer to any particular military threat in the region. This literature is to assess the nature of Moscow’s military presence and expansion in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, in order to discover its relation with two concepts of military modernization and militarism. Therefore, the author tries to find out the nature of the presence and expansion of Russian military capabilities in the Arctic over the past decade has mainly been based on military modernization or militarism, and its reasons. The basic findings prove that the nature of the presence and expansion of Russian military capabilities in the Arctic over the past decade have been due to Moscow's strategic goals (including defending its sovereignty in the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation against NATO, supporting economic interests and shipbuilding and benefiting them, and formalizing the role of Russia as a major power); based on military modernization and not militarism. Using descriptive-analytical method and relying on a defensive-invasive dualism under the theoretical approach of neo-realization, the author tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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Areas of Disagreement between Russia and West During Putin's Fourth Presidential Term

Alireza Samoudi Pilehroud

Volume 25, Issue 105 , May 2019, , Pages 39-68

Abstract

  With Putin's reelection on March 2018, a new era of relations started between Russia and the West. During the period of Putin's presence in the Kremlin, relations between West and Russia ...  Read More With Putin's reelection on March 2018, a new era of relations started between Russia and the West. During the period of Putin's presence in the Kremlin, relations between West and Russia have experienced some periods of tension and peaceful concords. In early 1990s, there were prospects about Russia’s becoming a democratic state and becoming part of the normative framework of the West. After the end of the Cold War, Russia sought an equal status in international system and it also was against Western values and normative imposition. The main question of the article is "how the areas of disagreement between the Russian Federation and the West can be assessed?" The author believes that there has been a divergence between Russia and the West’s attitude towards the international system after the end of the Cold War. Russia tries to stabilize its position as a global power ​​and the rejects the existence of its specific spheres of influence that is claimed by the West.

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Rivalry and Divergence in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Through the lens of China – Russia and India - Pakistan disagreements)

Seyed Majid Qafelehbashi

Volume 25, Issue 105 , May 2019, , Pages 101-132

Abstract

  The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with ...  Read More The perspective of integration and deepening cooperation among SCO members within last two decades, especially after its recent geographical extension towards South Asia, is faced with serious questions. The most long lasting bilateral disagreement in SCO is the issue about Kashmir between India and Pakistan. A divergence of Beijing and Moscow’s perception about international system and their different expectations from SCO – besides some other factors) also has led to disintegration in Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The present article tries to find an answer for the following question: what are the main internal rivalries in SCO and how will they affect its consistency and future? The author addresses the hypothesis that “the rivalry between China and Russia for determining SCO’s approach and outlines as well as the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan are the SCO’s main challenges. The former through scattering SCO’s priorities and the latter one through weakening security and defensive relations among the members prevents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization from its future integration and improvement”.

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Eurasian Economic Union from the Russian Perspective

Ghaffar Zarei; Esmaeil Abbasi

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 33-60

Abstract

  The establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union strengthened Russia's position in bilateral relations towards other members of the union, although the multilateral relations between ...  Read More The establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union strengthened Russia's position in bilateral relations towards other members of the union, although the multilateral relations between post-communist countries remained without progress. Establishing Eurasian Economic Union to some extent also has fulfilled the geopolitical ambitions of Moscow, but the determination of the geopolitical agenda for this union by Moscow, despite the presence of members with the primary objective of economic interests, will not be easy. This is despite the fact that Russia has incurred considerable costs to establish this union and has pursued the policy of "luring by subsidizing". The main question of this article is "what does Russian expect to gain through in vesting on the establishment and expansion of the Eurasian Economic Union, considering the fact bilateral agreements with post-Soviet governments provides this country with more economic benefits?” The hypothesis tested under the framework of the new regionalism theory is: "although Russia's primary goal by establishing and expanding the Eurasian Economic Union is to strengthen a geopolitical deploy against the West at the borders of the European Union at the expense of exorbitant costs in order to keep these countries away from the west, it has not over looked the benefits of a long term economic, social and cultural cohesion of this union in the post-Soviet space". The study is descriptive-analytical and methodology applied to analyze the collected data is causal.

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Russia's Soft Power in Near Abroad: Instruments and Challenges

Reza Simbar; Danial Rezapour

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 62-91

Abstract

  The “soft power” as an important concept was firstly entered to the political discourse of Vladimir Putin in February 2012; This concept, which is now of great concern for ...  Read More The “soft power” as an important concept was firstly entered to the political discourse of Vladimir Putin in February 2012; This concept, which is now of great concern for Kremlin, is derived from diverse and somehow contradictory resources with mostly governmental and formal natures. While focusing on Russia’s soft power towards its near abroad, using Nye’s conceptual framework, the present literature tries to study Kremlin’s goals of developing soft power and its soft power resources and instruments towards near abroad. Through studying Russia’s soft power resources in culture, economics and politics, the authors conclude that Russia’s political values are traceable in all the three mentioned areas. In fact, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following questions: what are the resources and instruments for Russia’s soft power that have empowered Russia regionally? And what are the constraints for Russian soft power in the region? The proposed hypothesis is that Russia's soft power in near abroad encompasses Russian language, culture, media, Orthodox Church, Russian compatriots as well as trade diplomacy. But instrumental look at soft power resources in this strategic region, as well as ineffectiveness, have weakened Russia's desirable convergence in near abroad. Using descriptive-analytical method, and based library and internet resources, the authors try to find an answer for the research question.

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An Analysis on the Distinction between Russia’s Approach in Ukraine and the Arctic

Somayyeh Ghanbari

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 93-118

Abstract

  Although the Ukrainian crisis was accompanied by tensions between Russia and the West and the imposition of mutual sanctions, demonstration of military power and diplomatic conflicts, ...  Read More Although the Ukrainian crisis was accompanied by tensions between Russia and the West and the imposition of mutual sanctions, demonstration of military power and diplomatic conflicts, it did not have a great impact on the Russian Federation's policies in the Arctic and its militarism in that region. At the same time, Moscow has managed to continue its cooperation in the Arctic despite current tensions with the West, and to extend its relations with other regional actors in a cooperative manner. The author attempts to find an answer for the following questions: a) Why Russia, in spite of its rivalry with the United States and the West, has not behaved contentiously in the arctic; b) why Ukraine's experience does not seem to happen in the Arctic? To answer the mentioned questions, the hypothesis has been tested through examining the two theoretical approaches of "complex interdependence" and "neo-realism" confirming that "the superiority of Russia's position in the Arctic and the lack of a serious threat to its interests in this area by the other powers has led Russia to play differently in the Arctic, in such a way that Moscow requires cooperation and, at least, avoids from tension in the region in order to gain its absolute interests. Therefore, the Ukrainian crisis has not had much influence on Moscow's understanding of the Arctic as an area of international cooperation and peace. The findings of this study, which are comparative and descriptive-analytical, confirm the validity of the research hypothesis.

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The Socialization of Post-Soviet Elites and Russia's Regional Hegemony

Akbar Valizadeh; Shiva Alizadeh

Volume 24, Issue 104 , February 2019, , Pages 157-186

Abstract

  During the Post-Cold War era, Moscow used various tools to secure its interests in the Post-Soviet space. Although Russia's status as one of the world's great powers might have been ...  Read More During the Post-Cold War era, Moscow used various tools to secure its interests in the Post-Soviet space. Although Russia's status as one of the world's great powers might have been questioned in theory and practice since the collapse of the Soviet Union, its determining role as a regional power among former Soviet republics has remained unquestionable. Authors hold that the concept of "regional hegemony" can be applied to understand Russia's relations with its neighbors. The continuity of a regional power’s hegemony despite its decline in terms of material capabilities may lead us to explore the role of non-material factors. Given the fact that Russia's material power resources have been declining to different extents and can hardly be enough to ensure the continuity of its regional hegemony, the authors investigate non-material elements and indicators of Russia's power. Using the theory of "Socialization and Hegemonic Power" which underlines the role of subjective elements in preserving hegemony, as well a descriptive – analytical research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the following question: Why has Russia's regional hegemony survived the gradual decline of its material power resources and independent-minded policies of some post-Soviet states? The main hypothesis of the study underlines the role of cultural resources of Russia's power in forming post-Soviet elites' mindsets and supplementing military and economic elements and as a result perpetuating Russia's hegemonic status.    

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Bureaucratic Decision Making System in Russian Energy Politics

Ghudrat Ahmadian; Neda Gholami

Volume 24, Issue 103 , December 2018, , Pages 1-32

Abstract

  Formation of OPEC and exploiting petroleum as pressure tool by Arabian countries for countering with Zionist Regime during early 70th century was a prominent example of petroleum’s ...  Read More Formation of OPEC and exploiting petroleum as pressure tool by Arabian countries for countering with Zionist Regime during early 70th century was a prominent example of petroleum’s political significance. In order to prevent the reduction of petroleum exportation during Cold War era, the USSR tried to reduce the importance of its political dimension. Following the collapse of USSR and surmount of liberalism and occidentalization during Yeltsin era, the petroleum maintained its unpolitical nature. Still since the beginning of Putin’s presidency, especially after the ignite of the new cold war following Iraq’s occupation in 2003, Russian Federation was gradually inclined to convert petroleum from an economic instrument to a political and even security one.  The Energy Strategy of Russia for the period up to 2020 articulates that energy resources are the main instruments for driving Russia’s exterior and interior politics. Against this backdrop, the present article is trying to find out the main reason for Russia to exploit energy resources as a political instrument. Using the theoretical framework of bureaucratic decision making, the authors argue that interior bureaucratic considerations including balance of power, as well as internal conflicts in Putin’s government, are the main reasons for the mentioned question. The internal power relationship especially the core role of petroleum companies in Russia’s governmental decision making has led to the weaponization of energy.

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Russia’s Behavior Model in International System: An Attempt to Access a Favorable Balance of Power (2014 – 2018)

Amir Niakoee; Asgar Safari

Volume 24, Issue 103 , December 2018, , Pages 101-130

Abstract

  Following the collapse of USSR, an increase of western influence in geopolitical and security areas in Russia, has been one of the effective factors in the interaction between Moscow ...  Read More Following the collapse of USSR, an increase of western influence in geopolitical and security areas in Russia, has been one of the effective factors in the interaction between Moscow and western countries especially the United States. Some impetuses such as enlargement of the European Union, and NATO, democracy promotion in post-soviet atmosphere and the Eastern Partnership have been effective on the formation of disagreement – cooperation paradox between west and Europe. West’s last attempt for increasing influence in post – soviet atmosphere, was Ukraine’s crisis and Crimea’s accession to Russia. This crisis highlighted the point of contrast between Russia and the west. The present literature addresses the following question: Which model has Russia taken for interacting with international system, especially west, since 2014? The authors argue that since 2014, Russia has chosen the balance of power strategy as a behavioral model to confront international system and the west. Russia’s most important features of balance of power are countering with the United States’ unilateralism; accepting US and China as main actors; hard and soft balance; as well as regionalism. Using explanatory – analytical research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research questions.

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Russia and the Question of West: Centuries of Borrowing and Confrontation

Jahangir Karami; Rughie Keramati Nia

Volume 24, Issue 103 , December 2018, , Pages 131-160

Abstract

  Although west has been a main issue for many societies and states in last centuries, for Russia it has been different and very fundamental. It is nearly about five centuries that Russia ...  Read More Although west has been a main issue for many societies and states in last centuries, for Russia it has been different and very fundamental. It is nearly about five centuries that Russia has been affected by evolutions of European renaissance; sometimes in an interaction, sometimes in a contrast. Russia’s geographical, cultural and religious situations, has always experienced both fragments and concomitants with west, leading to some important results in Russia’s political life and foreign behavior. Against this backdrop, Russian administrations’ visions towards west and that vision’s impact on their internal and foreign behavior, and last but not least; the reason of Russian administrations’ special reaction towards west, and considering that as a main issue, are the questions addressed in this literature. The hypothesis of this article as that the root of Russia’s behavior towards west should be understood in its neighboring and propensity. Russia neither has been able to annex to the west, nor has been able to separate from it and go on its own way.

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Russia and Kharabakh Dispute

Mostafa Kheiri

Volume 24, Issue 102 , October 2018, , Pages 97-123

Abstract

     In the framework of geopolitical rivalries between Russian and West, Kremlin has defined it’s near abroad in the area of its strategic and vital interests. It has ...  Read More    In the framework of geopolitical rivalries between Russian and West, Kremlin has defined it’s near abroad in the area of its strategic and vital interests. It has also used the region’s unsolved territorial disputes such as Kharabakh crisis as an instrument for stabilizing its influence in the Republics of USSR. Meanwhile the Kharabakh crisis as the most serious security issue in South Caucasus has lasted for more than two decades and the study of regional developments indicates a situation of neither war nor peace. Even the possibility of re-strengthening the dispute is still remained. Against this backdrop, the present article attempts to answer the following question: What opportunities and challenges would the strengthening of Kharabakh crisis bring along for Kremlin?  From one hand, insecurity in energy transit routes from Caspian Sea to western markets establishment of Russian forces in Kharabakh in the framework of peacekeeping operations are among the most important opportunities for Kremlin. From the other hand, the possibility of a conflict with Turkey, as Azerbaijan’s alliance, as well as West’s influence in Caucasus are among the most important challenges for Russia. Using explanatory – analytical method and geopolitics theory, the author tries to scrutinize the possibility of mentioned challenges and opportunities.  

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The Role of Economic Cooperation in Sino –Russian Strategic Relationship

Seyyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour; Elham Khalili

Volume 24, Issue 101 , July 2018, , Pages 1-28

Abstract

  Sino-Russian relationship has been in the stage of strategic cooperation for more than two decades. This cooperation covers different areas including economic cooperation. Trade of ...  Read More Sino-Russian relationship has been in the stage of strategic cooperation for more than two decades. This cooperation covers different areas including economic cooperation. Trade of goods, energy transportation and foreign investment are components of Sino-Russian economic relationship. Starting from a very low level in 1990s, economic cooperation between the two countries has traversed a rising trajectory despite some fluctuations, and officials from both sides have always tried to expand this cooperation. Strategic nature of the relationship between China and Russia is emphasized by political experts and officials from both countries. Given the strategic nature of Sino-Russian relationship, our primary research question is as the following: what is the strategic significance of the economic cooperation between China and Russia, within the overall framework of their relationship? The authors firstly define the concept of strategic relationship based on the emphasized characteristics of such a relationship. Then, the strategic significance of economic cooperation between China and Russia is assessed using this definition. The hypothesis of the authors is that the economic cooperation between China and Russia lacks a high level of strategic significance.

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Exploring the Impact of Church and Religious Diplomacy on Russia Foreign Policy, Case Study: Georgia and Ukraine

Nozar Shafiee; Ehsan Fallahi

Volume 24, Issue 101 , July 2018, , Pages 29-56

Abstract

  As not confined to lands and borders, religion is a basis for transnational identity. Therefore it is assessed as a source of soft power among neighboring and coreligionist countries. ...  Read More As not confined to lands and borders, religion is a basis for transnational identity. Therefore it is assessed as a source of soft power among neighboring and coreligionist countries. During the USSR era all policies were designed in the framework of communist ideology and dictated from Moscow to other parts of the country. But after the Collapse of the Soviet Union, the internal ties were ended. However, Russia remains an influential country in near abroad. But, the absence of communism led to an ideological vacuum in Russia's relations towards its new neighbors. Therefore Christianity is one of Russia's alternatives to eliminate the mentioned vacuum. The present article tries to answer the following questions: How is the role of church assessed in Russian foreign policy? How is the effectiveness of religious diplomacy assessed in Georgia and Ukraine? Although the role of the church in Moscow's foreign policy is interpreted as a soft power, Russian religious diplomacy was used as a hard power instrument in Ukraine and Georgia, rather than serving as a soft power. This hypothesis is examined in the context of Joseph Nye's soft power theory.  

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Russia’s Approach against Economic Sanctions (2014 – 2018)

Mehdi Hedayati Shahidani

Volume 24, Issue 101 , July 2018, , Pages 150-178

Abstract

  Economic sanctions always bring along both positive and negative results for a country. The economic sanctions against Russia since 2014 caused inflation, difficulty of access to international ...  Read More Economic sanctions always bring along both positive and negative results for a country. The economic sanctions against Russia since 2014 caused inflation, difficulty of access to international investment markets, lower value of ruble against euro and dollar, and a delay in Russia’s path out of crisis. All these events, made Russian government support its financial and economic divisions against sanctions. The present article addresses the following question: What characteristics do the most important measures have that Russia took against sanctions? Strategic wisdom and a balanced activism are addressed as the main elements that Moscow used against sanctions. Using library and archive resources and an explanatory – analyzing method, the present literature attempts to assess Russia’s economic indexes since 2014 to 2018.

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Russia’s Interests in Near Abroad Case study: Armenia

Mostafa Kheiri; Rajab Izadi

Volume 23, Issue 100 , March 2018, , Pages 1-24

Abstract

  The attempt to retrieve Russia's position as one of the key actors in the international arena can be considered as a major feature of Russian foreign policy after Putin's rise to power. ...  Read More The attempt to retrieve Russia's position as one of the key actors in the international arena can be considered as a major feature of Russian foreign policy after Putin's rise to power. The Kremlin's foreign policy strategy in relation to the revival of the Russian empire and the vulnerable geopolitical situation and the political isolation of the Republic of Armenia have provided the basis for further Kremlin-Yerevan cooperation and promoted relations to the level of strategic partnership. The strategic partnership and the sustained cooperation that the two countries have had after the collapse of the Soviet Union have provided the Kremlin's strategic interests in the Caucasus region. According to the above matters, the present article aims to study the political, economic and military-security dimensions of Russian influence in the Republic of Armenia. The main question of this article refers to the interests of Russia towards unification with Armenia. Providing Russia's political and security benefits, including dismantling the Western-European political and military infrastructure (EU-NATO) from the region, along with economic interests, has been the main aim of Russia from cooperation and unity with Armenia. In this paper, it has been attempted to examine Russia's interests in unity with Armenia in a descriptive and analytical way, using the balance of threat theory offered by Stephen Walt

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A Study on the Relation between Geopolitical Codes and Genome in Russia and Afghanistan Foreign Policy

Seyed Mohammad Kazem Sajjadpour; Mohammad Taghi Jahanbakhsh

Volume 23, Issue 99 , January 2018, , Pages 27-49

Abstract

  Geopolitical genome is the genetic map of a country’s politics which determines its behavior in state and foreign policies. States consider the genomes of other actors as their ...  Read More Geopolitical genome is the genetic map of a country’s politics which determines its behavior in state and foreign policies. States consider the genomes of other actors as their geopolitical codes. The interaction or confrontation of the states’ geopolitical codes or genomes determines the atmosphere that is in line with or against the national and regional interests. The present paper attempts to answer the following question: To what extent in foreign policy arena, the geopolitical genomes are effective? Considering Afghanistan and Russia case studies; ethnic diversification, drugs, extremism and terrorism, political instability, etc. are known as Afghanistan’s dominant geopolitical codes; and vastness of territory, extremism, and terrorism, NATO and EU expansion eastward, etc. are the ones for Russia. In order to confront the threats that are derived from Afghanistan’s genomes, Russia takes some active measures, while Afghanistan – according to its geopolitical codes- behaves reactively in its foreign policy. Using analytical – descriptive method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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Strategic Initiative of Asian Powers in Caspian Region

Hadi Soleimanpour

Volume 23, Issue 99 , January 2018, , Pages 51-88

Abstract

  Caspian region interactions with its neighborhood have an undeniable impact on world’s strategic equations. The Caspian region is historically known as the “absent present”. ...  Read More Caspian region interactions with its neighborhood have an undeniable impact on world’s strategic equations. The Caspian region is historically known as the “absent present”. Being aware of Caspian region’s exclusive potentialities, the transregional actors would like to receive a regional interpretation of Caspian stand in the future of Interantional system; but still the region has not produced a strategic rhetoric for its own. How a consensus on a regional rhetoric about Caspian’s potentialities can be made using China and India’s strategic initiatives, is the main question of this article. The role of Iran in making a balance in the competition between China and India in Caspian region; as well as Iran and Russia’s capacities in boosting regionalism in Caspian region are addressed by the author. Using analytical – descriptive method; and library resources as well as interviews with experts on regional and transregional affairs, the author tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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Impact of Ukraine’s Geopolitical Evolution on Russia’s Security from Prism of Critical Geopolitics

Mohammad Hassan Sheikh-al Islami; Sarem Shiravand

Volume 23, Issue 99 , January 2018, , Pages 89-123

Abstract

  Political tendencies of Soviet republics can be divided in the following categories after the collapse of the USSR: centralism and pursuing politics in line with Russia; Anti- Russian ...  Read More Political tendencies of Soviet republics can be divided in the following categories after the collapse of the USSR: centralism and pursuing politics in line with Russia; Anti- Russian politics and western oriented approach; intermediate approach. Due to its geostrategic and geopolitical significance, Ukraine is converted to an area of conflict between Russia and the west. Why Ukraine is so important in Russia’s geopolitical vision and political security? And why Russia’s security is influenced by Ukraine? The hypothesis of this article is that in its security policymaking in post-historical era, Russia still emphasizes on two elements of ‘historical mentality” and “geopolitics”; therefore it sees a linkage between its neighboring’s geopolitical codes and its interests. That is the reason why Ukraine has a pivotal role for Russia. 

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China and Russia’s Partnership Restrains in Arctic

Somayeh Ghanbari

Volume 23, Issue 99 , January 2018, , Pages 125-153

Abstract

  Moscow and Beijing’s cooperation in developing energy resources as well as maritime and rail transportation infrastructures in the Russian division of Arctic, is a goal for which ...  Read More Moscow and Beijing’s cooperation in developing energy resources as well as maritime and rail transportation infrastructures in the Russian division of Arctic, is a goal for which the two countries can cooperate for their shared interests. However, the mentioned cooperation has not led to a satisfactory result except in an LNG project in Yamal Peninsula. Therefore the present article tries to answer the following question: Why Russian and China have not been able so far to achieve an advanced level of cooperation and partnership irrespective of their shared interests and goals in the Arctic?” An analysis of Russia and China’s situation and their regional and global goals indicates that governments and especially the great powers are always concerned about their share in cooperation. Using analytical – descriptive method and defensive realism theoretical framework, the paper tries to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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Russia’s Political Culture: Roots, Dimensions and Ramifications

Jahangir Karami; Roqiyeh Keramatinia

Volume 23, Issue 99 , January 2018, , Pages 155-188

Abstract

  Political culture is a concept addressed by scholars in recent decades in an attempt to explain a society’s individuals’ political behavior and the government’s ...  Read More Political culture is a concept addressed by scholars in recent decades in an attempt to explain a society’s individuals’ political behavior and the government’s behavior toward people. Political culture is noticed in Russia for analyzing Putinism’s continuity and change in recent years. The present literature addresses the following question: How Russia’s political culture is evolved and in which situation it is at the present time. In order to answer the mentioned question, the authors argue that Russia’s political culture is a blend of its classic type and modernism and is reproduced and has been influential on political behavior in contemporary era, irrespective of important evolutions in communications and also civil institutions. Using analytical – descriptive method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

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The Importance of Energy Role on Russian's Foreign Policy

Abdolreza Farajirad; Roohollah Salehi Dolatabad

Volume 23, Issue 98 , August 2017, , Pages 33-66

Abstract

    In international relations today, dominance on oil and gas resources and their pipelines draw attention of many policy makers. Therefore those countries that possess energy ...  Read More   In international relations today, dominance on oil and gas resources and their pipelines draw attention of many policy makers. Therefore those countries that possess energy – oriented policies make most of their decisions upon their energy resources. Russia also uses energy as leverage for reinstruction of its power while it exports natural gas to Europe. Facing a reduction in its military power and its political position, as well as structural economic problems, and using a pragmatist approach, Russia acknowledges its energy resources as the most important element for wining in international competitions. Therefore it tries highly to use its energy resources as a political weapon and an important leverage in its foreign policy. The present article attempts to answer the following question: Which strategies in energy area are used by Russia and how its goals are assessed? The article argues that Russia tries to use energy as leverage in interaction with other countries so that it can gain control over energy markets and play a significant role in world’s political and geopolitical issues. 

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