‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Central Asia is considerably important in China’s foreign policy because of its geographical proximity. Ensuring regional security, combating terrorism, and procuring part of energy needs would not be possible without cooperating with Central Asian countries.  By incrementing trade, investing in infrastructure projects, and providing development assistance, China pursues its foreign policy objectives in the region and encourages its neighbors to keep their distance from the United States and other Western countries.  Chinese aid to Central Asia has succeeded those of other donor countries; however, the context and purposes have been rather different. China considers itself a developing country and claims to know the developmental needs and requirements of such countries, avoiding in this way interfering in their internal affairs with the pretext of offering them aid. This research aims to respond to the question “What objectives does China pursue by offering development assistance to developing countries and what would be the implications it might have in Central Asian countries?” The response unveils the changes that China, by appealing to their aid, may have attempted to induce in Central Asia from 2000 to 2020. The findings of the investigation indicate that The PRC, striving to lock the core processes of production within its borders, has merely focused on devoting status-quo aids to the developing countries in the two sectors of infrastructure and energy, contrary to other donors’ aid-seeking to essentially alter the recipient's status-quo institutions. In theory, China, strategically complying with the two principles of respect for the recipient's sovereignty and mutual economic benefits, is not interested in disturbing the status quo. But in practice, the approach is rather different.

Abstract One of the consequences of global climate change is the water shortage crisis and the resulting disputes among the beneficiary governments. The criticality of the world's climatic situation has led to the emergence of disputes between governments in connection with the division of common waters.  In this article, by utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data and information by document-library method, we are going to respond to the following question: "Which are the factors influencing the formation and escalation of disputes caused by the division of water in border-rivers between the Islamic Republic of Iran and its neighbors”? The hypothesis presented in response to the question raised above is based on the premise that in addition to the obvious role of the “water scarcity” phenomenon in the occurrence of the disputes above, it is necessary that four other variables; the politics of transboundary powers, management of water resources, ideological gap and instability of states, also be investigated and analyzed by the political elites. The variables mentioned above are divided into two groups: internal (Instability of States and Water Resources Management) and external (Cross-Border Powers’ politics and Ideological Gap). It is necessary to remember that the explanation of the mentioned four variables does not necessarily mean the absence of other factors in the discussed framework. It is possible that in the context of future research in this field, some other new variables will be identified.  

Abstract One of the consequences of global climate change is the water shortage crisis and the resulting disputes among the beneficiary governments. The criticality of the world's climatic situation has led to the emergence of disputes between governments in connection with the division of common waters.  In this article, by utilizing the descriptive-analytical method and collecting data and information by document-library method, we are going to respond to the following question: "Which are the factors influencing the formation and escalation of disputes caused by the division of water in border-rivers between the Islamic Republic of Iran and its neighbors”? The hypothesis presented in response to the question raised above is based on the premise that in addition to the obvious role of the “water scarcity” phenomenon in the occurrence of the disputes above, it is necessary that four other variables; the politics of transboundary powers, management of water resources, ideological gap and instability of states, also be investigated and analyzed by the political elites. The variables mentioned above are divided into two groups: internal (Instability of States and Water Resources Management) and external (Cross-Border Powers’ politics and Ideological Gap). It is necessary to remember that the explanation of the mentioned four variables does not necessarily mean the absence of other factors in the discussed framework. It is possible that in the context of future research in this field, some other new variables will be identified.

Abstract The Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 caused changes in the international system and blackened the balance of power prospects, especially in a region like Central Asia where Russia has a strong role and influence. Factors such as Russia's military conflict in Ukraine, and this country's focus on its ability to disrupt equations in its favor, which subsequently causes changes in its national and foreign policies, open paths for new questions. Such as whether the war in Ukraine and its consequences have caused Russia's role to diminish, or we can even say Russia's hegemony (especially from a security point of view) in Central Asia? In this case, is China, another influential and powerful actor in the region, going to fill the vacuum of Russian influence? Or will the countries of the region take advantage of the opportunity this time and highlight other regional actors such as India, Turkey, Iran, or trans regional actors such as the European Union in their foreign policy? In order to answer these questions, this research has tried to investigate the variables of China and Russia's sources of power and influence in Central Asia, and their changes after the Ukraine war. After evaluating the prospects of challenges and the opportunities created by this war for the influence of China and Russia in this region will provide scenarios for the future situation in Central Asia and the influential actors in the region.

Abstract The buffer space, how it is formed, the survival of this space, and its role in regulating the power equation between different countries is one of the significant topics that entered the political literature in a clear and structured way, especially from the end of the 19th century. The understanding of the concept of a buffer has been developed throughout history and due to the systematization of relations between different countries and the emergence of the international system. This article is a new expression of the growing development of its concepts and functions in this particular field. In this article, an attempt has been made to first present a general picture of the concept of the buffer space based on the study, understanding and perception of researchers, which is mostly a matter of consensus, and then to present new concepts and perceptions of the buffer space, which are mainly affected by the developments that have occurred during the current century. Continuous occurrence, to be offered. This new understanding of the buffer space will be in two separate images with different coordinates. In a picture, geography as the main base will still maintain its position with a different function. In the second image, geography has lost its concept, its function is beyond geographical boundaries, with a nature separate from national governments, and its purpose is independent narrating of the phenomenon.

Abstract One of the most severe crisis centers in the South Caucasus is the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, as a fundamental challenge between the two countries of Azerbaijan and Armenia, has led to numerous armed conflicts during the past three decades. Since this crisis has regional and international dimensions, numerous international Unions, Regional Unions, and Regional Countries implemented various efforts and plans, but none of them has resulted in real solutions to create continuous and stable peace in the region. In this article, has been tried based on Clause 1 and other Clauses of the United Nations Charter to establish international peace and security and prevent international conflicts and hostilities as one of the fundamental goals of the United Nations while examining the efforts and measures taken. Above all, the performance of the United Nations and the European Union to stop conflicts in the region and the role of the peacekeeping forces sent to the Karabakh region will be evaluated by this study. In addition, this study will focus on the plans and proposals of organizations and countries in the region.

Abstract Ardabil region, as one of the carpet-weaving regions of Iran, has been connected with the Republic of Azerbaijan from the point of view of cultural geography. In the past, the Republic of Azerbaijan was a part of Iran. According to the Treaty of Turkmen Chai and Golestan, during the reign of FathAli Shah Qajar, the territory of the Caucasus was handed over to Tsarist Russia. For this reason, many handwoven motifs have interacted and exchanged with each other over time. Among the objectives of the research, while examining the common motifs in Ardabil and Azerbaijan carpets, explaining the characteristics of the motifs in the carpet, and comparing these works of art. The main question of the current research is, considering the proximity and cultural connections of Ardabil with the Republic of Azerbaijan, what effect has it had on the structure of the design and motif of the carpet during the last one hundred years? In this way, this research was conducted using documentary sources and related articles in a comparative-analytical method based on explanation and of the isolation type, and it was analyzed by qualitative analysis method. The findings of the research, according to the studies, show that the carpet weaving industry in Ardabil peaked during the Safavid era, and until today, when it was separated from East Azerbaijan province, it has preserved the originality of its design and motif. According to the selection of samples in the carpets of the Ardabil region and the regions of the Republic of Azerbaijan (Shirvan, Quba, Kazakh, and Lankaran) In terms of structure and form in the design and most of the motifs shown as bergamot in the carpet, it is similar. The differences are mostly seen in the small motifs, color, motifs and the number of borders that these similarities are the result of cultural roots and the differences are derived from the stylistic characteristics of each region that have been separated from each other over time and distance.