‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Despite having the characteristics of being a region and the existence of many incentives to achieve intra-regional convergence, Central Asia has been always deprived of the advantages of regionalism. Central Asian states have preferred to join regional hierarchies and institutions led by major powers rather than trying to establish intra-regional institutions and achieve regionalism. This paper is mainly aimed at examining the external factors affecting the lack of regionalism in Central Asia and its relationship with the growth of dependent integration in this region (through the participation of Central Asian states in hierarchical regional arrangements and institutions led by major powers). This aim is to be achieved through addressing the question of "What is the basic precondition for the emergence of regionalism in Central Asia?" The initial answer is: "establishment of formal intra-regional institutions with the presence of all or most Central Asian countries in such a way as to increase their loyalty and commitment to the goals and interests of intra-regional institutions rather than to other regional and supra-regional governments and institutions is the main precondition for the emergence of regionalism in Central Asia." The paper is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and utilizes a case study methodology. The findings, while confirming the hypothesis, also conclude that the continuing dependence of Central Asian governments on the broader and hierarchical regional arrangements and institutions led by foreign powers can gradually deprive Central Asia of its regional identity and convert it into a sub-region.

Abstract Different developed export Models are based on the characteristics of the country of origin and destination, type of goods, relationships, facilitators and restrictions identified. Marketing is based on sales and exports, and digital marketing, using digital tools and channels, has transformed traditional marketing methods and accelerated and facilitated the achievement of its goals. Many variables of marketing require environmental stability and predictability, but some,due to their environmental complexity, can be optimized with smart tools. On the other hand, influence and strengthening presence in the market in Central Asia and the Caucasus, especially in high-tech, and fast-growing technology, require the use of new tools. So, can smart tools such as digital marketing, artificial intelligence, facilitate the exports target of high-tech? What are the variables? In this study, 10 components were identified that can meet this challenge: smart digital marketing tools, smart consumers, smart analysis, smart concepts, smart APPs, smart communications, smart-commerce, smart participation in knowledge production and smart transactions as well as cyber security. Based on interpretive structural modeling, this applied research identified and classified a 5-level model and a 4-sectorMICMAC matrix for 30 effective variables through inductive, scientific, and hybrid methods in paradigm-pragmatism. The most important component is smart intelligent analysis and it was found that the components of smart knowledge, smart communication, cyber security have the highest potential of growth in the export development model for Central Asia and the Caucasus for planning and decision making.

Abstract This article explains the effects of the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative on the regional level of Iran's geo-economic space. The effects of the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative on Iran's geo-economics have emerged in the form of Kazakhstan becoming a new logistics and energy hub, Pakistanappearing as China's most important partner, and turning the United Arab Emirates into a logistics hub. The findings of the article show the multiple effects of the implementation of this megaproject on the geo-economics space of Iran. On the northern side, the implementation of the East-West corridors could weaken Iran's comparative advantage as a link between Central Asian economies and the global economy, and on the other hand, create new opportunities for Iran by developing soft and hard regional integration infrastructures. On the eastern side of Iran's geo-economic space, implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative will reduce the structural barriers to Pakistan's economic development. Reducing obstacles to Pakistan's economic development will create new opportunities for Iran.

Abstract In spite of being internationally isolated, the de facto government of Abkhazia has been relatively stable and successful in carrying out its internal functions, a large part of it being due to the full support of Russia. The aspiration of the Abkhazian people is independence from Tbilisi and Moscow as well as free interaction, as a sovereign state, with the wider world, and in particular Europe. The main purpose of this paper is to discover the strategy of Moscow and Brussels to win the Abkhazian conflict and the following impacts on the continuation of this conflict. The question addressed here is: "What are the strategies of Russia and the European Union to win the conflict in Abkhazia? “The descriptive hypothesis this paper is to examine is: "Russia and the European Union have exercised strategic patience to win the Abkhazian conflict in two opposite directions: Moscow is looking forward to structural and infrastructural development in the society and the government of Georgia and Brussels are waiting on the Western sanctions to begin to bite Russia. “The paper is of qualitative type and is conducted utilizing a descriptive-explanatory methodology. The findings of the study confirm the hypothesis and also conclude that, considering the expectation strategy of the two main actors in the Abkhazian conflict, the most likely option for the foreseeable future is "continuation of the status quo with more stagnation and isolation,” in which time is running out against the EU strategy, although it does not necessarily mean fulfilling Russia's interests.

Abstract The relative improvement of the living conditions in Kazakhstan's ecosystem over the past two decades has mostly been the result of institutional and legal development of the country in protecting the environment. This paper is to assess the environmental governance of Kazakhstan from the perspective of the legislative process and legal developments and its impact on environmental security in this country over the past three decades. Accordingly, the main question is: "What are the environmental security consequences of the developments in the legal aspects of environmental governance in Kazakhstan since independence?" The hypothesis tested in this paper is: “due to the gradual development of stricter laws for environmental protection, the creation of an integrated management structure for environmental protection, applying the experiences of other countries in the field of environmental management, as well as promoting international environmental cooperation, legal developments in the environmental governance of Kazakhstan since independence have led to a relative improvement in environmental security”. This paper is descriptive-analytical and the conceptual framework governing it consists of definitions and theoretical propositions of the concept of environmental security. While confirming the hypothesis, the findings show that Kazakhstan's new set of environmental laws may lead to improving its environmental performance in the coming years in case of efficient implementation through integrating laws in various environmental areas and making environmental laws compatible with the real conditions prevailing at local, national and international levels.

Abstract Although after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its weakening in the international arena, relations between Russia and the West did not face much tension, and even cooperation between the two sides was established, gradually, and especially when Putin took office, Russian-Western relations have been strained. The turning point in changing Russians' view on the West was in 2004, when a series of color revolutions took place in the former Soviet republics. To Moscow, color revolutions were carried out with the help of the West or the US with the aim of creating a color revolution in Russia itself. For the Russian ruling elites, these actions marked the end of the cooperation between the mainstream politicians in the West and Russia, and an important moment in turning Russia's look away from the West and intensifying anti-Western sentiment in Russia. Since then, Russia sought to cement its position in the international system and weaken Western structures, especially the EU. To strengthen its influence in Europe, Moscow uses various tools to weaken the EU. In recent years, Russia has managed to promote Russophilia and Euroscepticism, that are two sides of the same coin. Russia's policy is attractive to parties and countries which see themselves as victims of the European Union. Russia hopes that the rise of right-wing parties in European countries will weaken liberal democracy structures. In recent years, challenging the security structures in the West and undermining the cohesion of the EU, have been the central goal of Russia's foreign policy. The main question is that "what are the main aims of Russia in strengthening its relations with European far right parties?" The hypothesis is that "Russia's main foreign policy is to challenge the Western security structures and Moscow hopes the rise of right-wing parties in European countries will undermine the Western liberal narrative and weaken the liberal democracy structure especially the EUs’". Using explanatory- analytical research method, the author attempts to find an answer to the article's question.