‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and the conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia in September 2020 and its impact on Other regional and international actors showed the geopolitical importance of this region and the effects of these crises on Iran, therefore, the present research is aimed at answering this question: What threats will the Zangez-Zor Corridor construction program have against the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? And in this regard, using the theory of regional security, the hypothesis has been proposed that the creation of Zangezzor Corridor in the territory of Armenia, based on the plans announced by the Republic of Azerbaijan-Turkey axis, can change the regional balance of power to the detriment of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Therefore, the advancement of this project is considered a security threat against the geopolitical and economic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most important of which are: the possibility of changing the geopolitical borders by blocking the land border between Iran and Armenia; The possibility of Armenia's convergence with the Western bloc and the intensification of the strategic isolation of the Islamic Republic of Iran; Reducing Iran's transit advantages in the North-South corridor; increasing Turkish influence in the region; jeopardizing national sovereignty and territorial integrity by advancing the Pan-Turkic plan and reviving Azari ethnocentrism; Strengthening the presence of NATO, Israel and Russia in the northern borders of the country. Also, descriptive analytical method has been used in this research and library information collection method has been used.

Abstract The literature of international relations suggests that domestic political and social interactions play a significant role in shaping the foreign policies of states. Within this framework, the present study aims to design and explain a model of political and social interactions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan and to explore how these interactions influence Iran’s foreign policy. The main research question is: how do Iran’s internal dynamics impact its foreign policy towards Azerbaijan? To answer this question, a sequential exploratory mixed-methods approach was adopted. In the qualitative phase, grounded theory and in-depth interviews were used to identify the main components of the interaction model. Subsequently, a quantitative phase using structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) tested the relationships among variables. The findings indicate that elements such as national interests, social participation, diplomatic inefficiencies, media control, and balance-oriented strategies play a vital role in shaping Iran’s foreign policy. The quantitative results confirmed the validity and reliability of the model and emphasized the importance of internal factors in foreign policy formulation.

Abstract In this article, while objectively describing what happened in the past few years, the issue of Afghanistan's importance for Iran, the level of connection and solidarity between the two countries, how the threats from Afghanistan are increasing for Iran and to stabilize What should be done about these links and curbing the increasing threats.
The main question of this article is what Iran should do to control the threats from Afghanistan and stabilize the cultural and economic conditions in the Afghanistan
The claim of this article is that Iran is heavily involved in the costs and consequences of Afghanistan's problems, and it has no choice but to deal with the roots of Afghanistan's problems, and Iran is the only one that can. Iran should bring Afghanistan's issues to peace on the condition of adopting appropriate policies and management and mobilizing capabilities.
This linkage between two countries is unique among Iran's relations with other countries and even less so in the relations between the other two countries. At the same time, the issue of Afghanistan has been neglected in Iran for a long time and the necessary attention is not given to it in decision-making centers, decision-making centers and even research and academic centers. Iran has no other choices rather than takes Afghanistan issue as its top priority and help to solve the roots the problem

Abstract This study explores the cultural exchanges between Iran and Anatolia through ceramics from the 2nd to the 8th century AH. During this period, under the influence of empires such as the Byzantine, Seljuk, and Ilkhanid, the transmission of knowledge and artistic styles in pottery between the two regions became widespread.

The aim of the research is to identify the shared ceramic styles of Iran and Anatolia during the 2nd to 7th centuries AH in order to understand the evidence of mutual cultural and artistic influences.

The research questions are as follows:

Which types of ceramics were produced in both Iran and Anatolia?

What role did trade routes and the migration of artists and craftsmen play in the transfer of ceramic technologies and in shaping the styles of Iranian and Anatolian pottery?

This study adopts a descriptive-analytical method, and the data has been collected through library and digital sources.

The findings indicate that ceramic types such as Champleve,, Agh Kand, Lusterware, Mina’i ware, Lajvardina, and turquoise-and-black-painted wares were produced in both regions, yet they exhibit local stylistic differences. Trade routes—particularly the Silk Road and maritime routes—played a crucial role in the transmission of ceramic technologies and in influencing stylistic developments. In addition, the migration of artists and craftsmen, military invasions, and religious and spiritual beliefs significantly contributed to the cultural interactions between Iran and Anatolia.

Abstract China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) presents a novel and distinct paradigm from the post-World War II Atlanticist strategy, emphasizing sustainable development, economic connectivity, and multilateral cooperation, positioning itself as an alternative to security-centered approaches within Eurasia’s geopolitical order. This article examines the question of what goals, functions, and implications the integration of the BRI with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU)—as two major non-Western regional integration projects led by China and Russia—entails for emerging Eurasian regionalism. A comparative analysis of these two initiatives reveals that although each has its own institutional logic and strategic framework, their convergence can provide an effective platform to enhance economic, security, and institutional cooperation in Eurasia and serve as a foundation for the transition towards a multipolar global order. The findings indicate that this integration not only strengthens economic and infrastructural convergence but also encompasses elements for redefining the international order, countering Western unilateralism, and shaping an economic security architecture across Greater Eurasia. Utilizing a historical-comparative methodology and relying on library and online data sources, this article seeks to elucidate the logic behind the integration of these two initiatives and how it influences the emerging economic-political structures in Eurasia, as well as the mechanisms for consolidating a multipolar global order. The study primarily focuses on analyzing the objectives, prospects, and prerequisites of multilateral relations between China and the member states of the EAEU.

Abstract The South Caucasus region, as part of Iran's civilizational sphere, is of geostrategic importance to the Islamic Republic of Iran beyond the equations related to state-nation relations and geographical borders. Among the countries of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan is of particular importance to Iran in terms of its size, population, natural resources, extensive border with Iran, Shiite religion, Azeri ethnicity, and cultural and civilizational issues. Despite the great potential for convergence and cooperation between the two countries, the instability of bilateral relations has been the main characteristic of the relations between the two countries throughout the history of more than 30 years of relations. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan are two neighboring countries with high cultural similarities that have been in an unstable atmosphere of bilateral relations due to numerous factors. The two countries have many aspects of interaction in bilateral relations in such a way that the scope of issues involved in bilateral relations is very large and diverse and covers a range of political, cultural, economic, military, environmental, and social issues. Therefore, managing bilateral relations in such conditions is very difficult. In this study, an attempt has been made to examine the effective roots in the convergence and divergence of the two countries by applying the theory of layered analysis of causes and to present suggestions for improving bilateral relations. The approach of this research is descriptive-analytical, its method is qualitative and the method of collecting information is library.

Abstract Abstract: The " Belt and Road" initiative, designed and implemented in 2013 as one of the largest economic projects, was proposed with the aim of strengthening China's position as a global power in the economic, trade, and political spheres. Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran is known as one of the key nodes of this plan due to its strategic location in the North-South and East-West transportation corridors, as well as its rich energy resources. The purpose of this research is to examine the opportunities and challenges of the " Belt and Road" initiative for Iran's political economy. The results indicate that this initiative can strengthen Iran's geopolitical position in the region, while developing key Iranian infrastructure, including transportation and energy, attracting foreign direct investment, and strengthening economic relations with countries along the path of the plan. But on the other hand, greater economic and political dependence on China, increased imports of Chinese goods, lack of transparency in investments, and problems resulting from international sanctions are among the challenges that Iran will face in dealing with this plan.

Abstract The re-emergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and their seizure of power in 2021 has once again revived legal and political debates surrounding the recognition of governments in international law. While most states and international organizations have refrained from officially recognizing the Taliban, the Russian Federation, by adopting a pragmatic approach, has pursued a path of gradual engagement and even some forms of informal recognition. This article, using comparative and legal analysis methods, examines whether Russia’s recognition of the Taliban aligns with or contradicts the principles and practices of international law. Within this framework, key concepts such as the distinction between “de facto” and “de jure” recognition, non-standard governments, and the transformations of the post-Western international order are explored. The article then analyzes the regional implications of this trend for the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These include Iran's use of the Taliban's ambiguous legal status to maintain security and diplomatic advantages, secure a rear front amid tensions with the West and Israel, and preserve its value as a bargaining chip for Russia in its negotiations with the West over Ukraine. In conclusion, the article emphasizes the need to reconsider legal frameworks of recognition in light of emerging geopolitical developments.

Abstract In the era of globalization, national branding at the international level carries great significance, as it can create a strategic competitive advantage in interactions with other states. Sputnik news agency, functioning as one of the instruments of Russia’s public diplomacy on the international stage and operating in multiple languages, has attracted a substantial Persian-speaking audience to its Persian-language platforms. In this context, the twelve-day war of aggression against Iran provided a suitable opportunity for Sputnik to pursue activities aimed at promoting Russia’s national brand and influencing Iranian public opinion in that direction. Using content analysis combined with thematic-network analysis, this study sought to answer the question: what public-diplomacy strategies did the Telegram channel of the state media outlet Sputnik Iran employ for Russia’s national branding among Persian-speaking audiences during the period of the war? Ultimately, five overarching themes related to Russia’s branding were identified in the messages of this state channel: Russia as civilized; Russia as rational and moderate; Russia’s power; the robust relations between Iran and Russia; and the West’s efforts to preserve its hegemony. These pervasive themes are interpreted as part of Russia’s “othering” of the West and the United States and as an attempt to reinforce Russia’s soft power.

Abstract هویت ملی به‌عنوان یکی از عوامل بنیادین در شکل‌دهی به سیاست خارجی کشورها عمل می‌کند. در این میان، جمهوری خلق چین به‌عنوان یکی از بازیگران صحنه بین‌الملل، نمونه‌ای شاخص از تأثیرگذاری هویت بر روندها و تصمیم‌گیری‌های سیاست خارجی محسوب می‌شود. هدف اصلی این مطالعه، انجام تحلیل تطبیقی درباره تأثیر مؤلفه‌های هویت ملی و گفتمان‌های هویت‌ساز بر سیاست خارجی چین و همچنین شناسایی وجوه تشابه و تمایز این دو دوره است. پرسش پژوهش این است که هویت ملی و گفتمان هویتی چگونه بر سیاست خارجی چین در دوره‌های رهبری هو جینتائو و شی جین‌پینگ تأثیر گذاشته است؟.فرضیه پژوهش بر این امر استوار است که اگرچه اصول کلیدی سیاست خارجی چین در هر دو دوره از تداوم نسبی برخوردار بوده، اما تفاوت در گفتمان‌های هویتی و نیز برداشت از موقعیت جهانی چین، به تغییراتی در اولویت‌بندی‌ها و جهت‌گیری‌های سیاست خارجی این کشور منجر شده است. یافته‌های پژوهش حاکی از آن است که دوره هو جینتائو با رویکردی محتاطانه و تمرکز بر توسعه اقتصادی در قالب چندجانبه‌گرایی و همکاری‌های بین‌المللی همراه بود، در حالی که در دوره شی جین‌پینگ، با تقویت مؤلفه‌های هویت ملی و به‌کارگیری توأمان قدرت سخت و نرم، نقش فعال‌تر و راهبردی‌تری برای چین در عرصه جهانی تعریف شده است. تحلیل هویت ملی و گفتمان‌های هویتی،سهم تعیین‌کننده‌ای در جهت‌دهی به راهبردهای بین‌المللی این کشور دارد.ارزیابی تطبیقی حاکی از آن است که تغییر در درک و تصور از جایگاه چین در نظم بین‌الملل و تأکید فزاینده بر قدرت ملی، از عوامل اصلی تغییر در رویکردهای سیاست خارجی این کشور بوده است.

Abstract The entrepreneurial ecosystem, as a dynamic platform shaped by the interaction of cultural, social, financial, and institutional factors, plays a crucial role in the success or failure of entrepreneurs. In recent years, Georgia has become an attractive destination for Iranian entrepreneurs due to its economic reforms, geopolitical position, and trade relations with Iran. However, operating within a non-native entrepreneurial ecosystem presents multiple challenges. The present study aims to identify the challenges faced by Iranian entrepreneurs in Georgia’s entrepreneurial ecosystem based on Isenenberg’s model. This research is applied in purpose and descriptive–survey in nature, employing a qualitative approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with managers, entrepreneurs with international experience, traders, and members of the Iran–Georgia Joint Chamber of Commerce, and analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings revealed seven major categories of challenges: financing, domestic and foreign policy issues, cultural differences, weak legal and institutional support, limitations in human capital, market barriers, and security risks. These results indicate that although Georgia’s ecosystem offers potential opportunities, it requires joint supportive policies and medium- to long-term programs to facilitate Iranian entrepreneurs’ activities. Accordingly, strengthening bilateral economic cooperation, leveraging cultural commonalities, improving supportive regulations, and addressing financial constraints could enhance entrepreneurial relations between the two countries.

Abstract مقارن بافروپاشی اتحادجماهیرشوروی وظهورحاکمیت های‌مستقل درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی، فضای تعامل وهمکاری نیز دراین منطقه به شکل بی سابقه ای استحاله یافت. درچنین متنی کشورترکیه توانست خود را به عنوان یکی ازبازیگران ذی نفع منطقه مطرح نمایدو پس از گذشت بیش ازسه دهه حضور مصرانه دستاوردهای مطلوبی را بدست آورد. لذاعطف‌به اقتضائات-پژوهشی وجستارگشایی برای حصول داده های پسینی ازسیاست منطقه ای ترکیه در آسیای مرکزی هدف از تنظیم نوشتارحاضربررسی این‌مبحث باتمتع ازنظریه سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل است. این تحقیق با استفاده ازروش توصیفی-تحلیلی وبابهره‌گیری ازمنابع کتابخانه ای به انجام رسیده است وبدنبال پاسخ به این سوال است که سرمایه اجتماعی بین الملل چه-جایگاهی درپیشبردسیاست منطقه ای وموقعیت مطلوب ترکیه درمنطقه آسیای مرکزی داشته‌است؟ درجواب به پرسش‌حاضر فرضیه این است که ترکیه با به کارگیری مولفه های سرمایه اجتماعی بین‌الملل:(سرمایه اجتماعی شناختی، سرمایه اجتماعی-رابطه ای وشبکه ای)توانسته ازاین مجرا به گسترش نفوذ ومناسبات خودبااین منطقه بپردازد، یافته ها ونتایج تحقیق حاکی از آن است که ترکیه ضمن تاکیدبرقرابت های هنجاری وساخت اعتماد، ارتباطات شبکه ای گسترده ای درپیش گرفته وبعنوان بازیگرشبکه پردازمطرح منطقه نیزشناخته می‌شود.

Abstract The present study examines the geopolitical challenges of exploiting oil and gas resources in the Caspian Sea between Iran and Turkmenistan. The primary research question is what factors underlie the energy differences between the two countries and whether these differences are solely due to legal issues or are also influenced by national interests and pressure from transregional actors. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that existing geopolitical challenges are the result of a complex interaction among the legal structure, conflicting national interests, and competition between regional and transregional actors. The research method combines analytical and qualitative approaches, utilizing document content analysis and a review of specialized books and articles. Data were collected from written sources, agreements, Caspian conventions, and scientific articles and were examined based on three levels of analysis (structural, national and regional, and transregional). The findings show that the Caspian’s legal ambiguities, the pressure of sanctions and internal Iranian restrictions, Turkmenistan’s export strategies, and the influence of Russia, China, and the United States have all contributed to the persistence and intensification of disputes. These results confirm the research hypothesis and indicate that sustainable management of Caspian energy resources requires a combined approach of joint agreements, active diplomacy, and strengthening domestic capacity.

Abstract Central Asia constitutes an area of interest for ISIL in order to create a Transnational Advocacy Network of terrorist cells with the aim to undertake terrorist actions in the battleground of Syria and Iraq. ISIL seeks to utilize cyberspace and new communication tools such as social networks in particular Khalifabook - a self-made website - to recruit and train people of the region and create a network of terrorist cells.
This paper aims to evaluate the performance of ISIL in cyberspace and asses the employment of a network of terrorist cells in Central Asia. In this regard, the following question arises: how has ISIS attempted to create networks of terrorist cells in Central Asia? The authors believe that through propagating its messages in virtual space, ISIL seeks to recruit and train militias and establish a network of terrorist cells in Central Asia.
After explaining ISIS’ new communication tools in the context of cyberspace, its goals and objectives in the virtual environment with the aim to recruit and train new forces as well as to create terrorist cells in Central Asia, this paper presents possible strategies in order to confront ISIL in this region.
 

Abstract Some international actors have sought to revive and benefit from the symbolic power of the term “Silk Road” in recent years. China launched the "One Belt One Road" initiative in 2013 and presented the Silk Road Economic Belt with Central Asia as its main route. Earlier in 2011, the United States officially used the romantic term of the Silk Road to define its foreign policy towards Central Asia. However, the American narrative of the Silk Road distinguishes from its Chinese narrative. This study is aimed to compare geopolitical discourses on which the American and Chinese narratives of the New Silk Road in Central Asia rely. This literature addresses the following question: “which geopolitical discourse shapes the American and Chinese narratives of the New Silk Road?” In spite of US resorting to the Silk Road metaphor, its New Silk Road map is based on redefining the geopolitics of domination in Central Asia, while China's Silk Road Economic Belt is based on a critical geopolitical idea, and recognizes Central Asian Republics as influential geopolitical actors. 

Abstract Eurasia which is called as the heart of world politics in Heartland Theory is facing such wide and diverse developments in the light of Belt – Road Initiative that would add to its significance.
The Heartland Theory which is also called as Mackinderian Philosophy placed the pivot in the center of the planet, which includes the river basins of the Volga, Yenisey, Amu Draya, Syr Draya, and two seas the Caspian and the Aral. This theory put emphasis on the centrality of the Eurasian region. Mackinder stated that in the context of the global geopolitical processes, the Eurasian continent is found in the center of the world politics. Mackinder believes that Heartland would remain as the geographical pivot of history for all the times, but some rival theories and criticisms had been challenging its accuracy and durability.
In order to answer the question that how the Belt – Road Initiative could re -highlight Eurasia as Heartland, explores the following hypothesis: Belt – Road Initiative fortifies the potential nature of Heartland Theory. Using explanatory – analyzing research method, the authors try to tell why the research findings provide an answer to the research question.

Abstract In the Caucasus disputes, some regional powers such as Turkey seek to play a role in the equations of this region. In line with the balance of power with Iran in the Caucasus region, Turkey is trying to seriously pursue its presence in support of Baku, which can impact the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to investigate the role of Turkey in the security of the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan, and the research question can be expressed as what role Turkey played in the security of the relations between Iran and Azerbaijan? In response to the research question, using the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen school, a hypothesis is proposed as follows: Turkey, by using pan-Turkic policies, military cooperation, arms support, and intelligence support from the Republic of Azerbaijan and facilitating the presence of Takfiri forces in the region, the security of relations between Iran and Azerbaijan has played a role. The research findings show that Turkey's most important goal in the Caucasus is long-term political, economic, and security presence and influence, which it pursues with the cooperation of Azerbaijan. In addition to the linguistic, ethnic, and cultural links between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Türkiye, a combination of various political, defense, and economic factors has also been affected.

Abstract Russia's massive invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the severe financial sanctions imposed against Moscow have not only had an economic impact on Russia; but, the consequence of this crisis has also affected the international economy, including America and Europe’s markets. The inflation caused by the Ukraine crisis, which has currently disrupted most of the world's economies, including the United States and Europe, is constantly increasing due to the sharp increase in the prices of oil, gas, industrial and agricultural products. This article tries to examine the economic impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022 on the key players of the global economy, especially the United States and Europe, which have imposed severe financial sanctions against Russia. Therefore, the main question of this research is: What effect will the Russia – Ukraine war have on the international economy, especially for the U.S. and Europe?
The hypothesis of the research is that given the fact that the conflict in Ukraine has the political and military dimensions, the leaders of these countries have prioritized the political issues over the economic issues in their decision making process to address this crisis. This has caused the economy to be affected again by high politics issues and faced stagnation and increase in global prices which once was considered as a low politics during the Cold War and then, it became more relevant in the decision-making process of governments after the Cold War.
This paper has applied the descriptive-analytical method to analyze the data.

Abstract Introducing of the Belt - Road Initiative, China is being considered as a prior actor pursuing regional ties and a connectivities between Asia and Europe. However, China's presence in this area seems not to be the only one and there is a high competition for building infrastructures across Eurasia. India is one of the Asian giant who is slowly entering the huge infrastructure projects in this continent and seeks the revival of International North-South Transportation Corridor (INSTC). The author argues that the New Spice Route is a metaphor that narrates the revival of rivalry between India and China to dominate the routes of transporting goods and energy. The present literature is to explore the main goals and motivations of India for revitalizing International North-South Transportation Corridor in the direction of New Spice Route that was established around fifteen years ago. Using descriptive-analytical method and library and documentary resources, under the framework of the theory of structural realism, the author tries to show that India's attempt to reconstruct INSTC and to promote the New Spice Route primarily focuses on security objectives and incentives, including a change of status quo in Jammu and Kashmir; stripping China's geopolitical and geostrategic opportunities in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR); establishing a gap between Pakistan and its neighbors, in particular with Afghanistan; and making geopolitical ties with its new partners in Central Asia and South Caucasus via Iran.

Abstract The Russia – India – China Triangle is one of the first mechanisms that were used to encounter the US centered international order by the eastern powers which brought along the SCO and BRICS. Russia, India and China’s foreign ministers troika is actually an attempt for making a cooperation network among revisionist powers. Given the bilateral, trilateral and multilateral relations between the three mentioned countries, the question is whether such a goal is possible or not. The article’s achievement proves that although having relative potentialities and strong motivations for changing the US centered international order, the Russia – India – China Triangle is not capable of achieving the goal in the present situation. That is rooted in their diverse perception about the nature of this change and the position of each three country in the future of such a new order.  Therefore strengthening the perspective of a change in international order is assessed as a positive measure for these players. Using an explanatory - analyzing method, the literature tries to find out the inefficiency causes in mechanisms of Russia – India – China Triangle.