‍Central Asia and The Caucasus Journal

Abstract Following the October Revolution of 1917, the process of identity formation in the Soviet Union was profoundly shaped by Bolshevik socialist ideology. A central aspect of this ideology was the redefinition of the “woman question” and the deliberate construction of the so-called “New Soviet Woman,” envisioned as an individual capable of actively participating in family, political, and economic spheres. In this regard, institutions such as the Zhenotdel, operating under the banner of gender equality, endeavored to incorporate women as an essential and influential component of both the Party and state apparatus, providing them with educational, social, political, and professional opportunities. The Bolshevik project, through the creation of the myth of the “New Socialist Woman,” produced a novel gender identity that stood in explicit contrast to contemporary European models.
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, however, precipitated profound structural and ideological transformations in Kazakhstan. The engagement of international organizations and NGOs, while ostensibly aimed at promoting gender equality, often served to consolidate market-oriented economic policies and reinforce Kazakh nationalist agendas, rather than substantially improving women’s social conditions. Consequently, many of the achievements attained by women during the Soviet period were eroded, and their social standing gradually declined. Although Soviet nation-building had played a critical role in the creation of a new female identity, post-Soviet nationalism and neoliberal reforms significantly hindered the persistence of these gains and exposed women to new socio-political challenges.

Abstract After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia sought to redefine its place in the international order and influence European politics. One of Moscow's strategies included strengthening and supporting the far-right movement in key Western European countries such as Germany, Italy, and France. This article uses a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach to examine why and how Russia cooperated with the far-right movement in Western Europe (Germany, France, and Italy) between 1991-2024. From a strategic perspective, Russia sees this cooperation as a tool to weaken the cohesion of the European Union, NATO, and Western liberal values. In return, European far-right parties and movements have benefited from Russia's financial, media, and diplomatic support. This study examines different dimensions of cooperation, focusing on three countries: Germany (centered on the Alternative for Germany party), France (Front national/ Rassemblement national), and Italy (Brothers of Italy and the Lega Nord). The findings show that these relations have not only affected the domestic politics of these countries to some extent, but have also become one of Russia's new geopolitical tools in soft war.

Abstract The emergence of small and medium-sized ports as vital nodes connecting remote areas in international transport is a dominant issue in global transport, given the importance of maritime and rail corridors. In recent years, the two small ports of Aktau and Kuryk have in recent years, through a clear and well-planned program, become one of the maritime transport nodes in several international corridors in the Caspian Sea, including the important Trans-Caspian Corridor and the Trasika Corridor. In addition, they play a major and very important role in the Chinese Belt and Road megaproject, and if the North-South Corridor is successful, they will be one of the key points of this project. ،This has been done through a clear and well-documented program. By examining this issue, this research seeks to investigate and prove the importance of small ports in the world, and especially in the Caspian Sea, for connecting important international corridors and ultimately their enormous impact on the regional and international economy. The research method is a combination of descriptive library and field research and uses the theories of developmental government and geoeconomics.

Abstract Since Russia's war with Georgia in 2008, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014, its intervention in the Syrian conflict in direct opposition to Western interests, the invasion of eastern Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and its interference in the affairs of other countries, discussions about Russia's behavior and intentions have increased significantly in areas that have geographical proximity to Russia. Especially since the "Ukrainian issue" has a prominent non-geopolitical feature, and there are many "nation-states" with this feature in Russia's neighborhood and surroundings. The study of Russian foreign policy trends in the Nordic-Baltic region and the influential component of Russia's "compatriots abroad" can shed light on geopolitical trends in the Nordic and Baltic regions. The main question of this article is how the security dilemma has affected the relations between Russia and the Nordic-Baltic countries? Based on Russia’s understanding of the security dilemma, this research examines the issue that the security dilemma has expanded the scope of Moscow’s security threats to the Baltic and Nordic regions. “Uncertainty,” “self-reliance,” and “anarchy” in Russia’s foreign policy behavior have led to the weakening of national security dilemma in the Nordic-Baltic countries. This research will attempt to analyze Russia’s behavior in dealing with the Nordics and Baltics using the logic of the security dilemma.

Abstract The South Caucasus region holds an important position in international politics in terms of energy resources, transit, geopolitical and geoeconomic importance. A region where the three countries of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, with their continued internal disputes and security instability, have prevented the formation of a common security complex and facilitated the influence and competition of regional and trans-regional actors in influencing the course of developments. Therefore, the main question is: what will be the approach of regional and transregional actors, their goals and position in achieving their interests in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035? In response to the main question, the main hypothesis claims that regional and transregional actors will adopt opposing approaches in the horizon of 2035 to achieve their strategic interests. And the geopolitical, political, and internal security challenges of the region and the contradictory alignment of the South Caucasus countries in proximity to regional and trans-regional powers in achieving national interests will make the security environment of the South Caucasus competitive, unbalanced, and critical, and will provide grounds for the influence of the aforementioned powers. The main goal of this research is to analyze and explain the interests of regional and trans-regional actors in the South Caucasus in the horizon of 2035 from the perspective of expert elites. The research method of this article is strategic foresight and Michel Goudet's structural analysis method, and the data collection tool is the use of books, articles, authentic documents, questionnaires, and semi-in-depth interviews experts and elites.

Abstract The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) gas pipeline project, as one of the geoeconomic initiatives in Central and South Asia, has the potential to influence regional geopolitical equations. Afghanistan's transit position in this project makes the country a key point in connecting Central Asian gas resources to the high-consumption markets of South Asia. By posing the main question, "What geopolitical opportunities and challenges does the dynamism of the TAPI project create for Afghanistan?", the present study seeks to examine the geopolitical capacities and obstacles facing this country in the process of realizing the TAPI project. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that although the TAPI project can bring important benefits such as benefiting from transit income, attracting foreign investment, creating employment, strengthening economic ties with neighboring countries, and enhancing Afghanistan's geopolynomics; But on the other hand, challenges such as insecurity along the project route, lack of adequate technical and institutional infrastructure, the Taliban's ambiguous and inefficient political structure, competition between regional and trans-regional actors, and doubts about Turkmenistan's gas capacity have posed serious obstacles to the full realization of these opportunities. This research was conducted using a qualitative method and a descriptive-analytical approach, using reliable library, documentary, and digital resources.

Abstract The collapse of the Soviet Union not only reshaped the borders of the Caucasus region but also marked a turning point in the political and social transformations of the Republic of Azerbaijan. Among those affected were non-Azeri Iranian ethnic groups, particularly the Talysh people. This study aims to examine the post-Soviet conditions of these two ethnic groups by exploring their identity, political, and social dimensions. Given the lack of research on the cultural and social agency of these communities, this investigation is deemed necessary. Focusing on understudied ethnic groups can offer deeper insights into identity-based roles in regional developments and the cultural balance of the South Caucasus. Using concepts from contemporary political sociology and a multilayered theoretical framework—including cultural hegemony, identity politics, and the geopolitics of ethnicity—this research analyzes mechanisms of cultural resistance and the growth of identity awareness among these groups. Employing a qualitative approach and relying on library sources and historical documents, the study seeks to answer how the cultural, social, and historical capacities of the Talysh people can be interpreted within the proposed theoretical framework, and how these communities have responded to identity-erasing policies. The hypothesis suggests that due to state-driven homogenization and the absence of independent civil institutions, the Talysh possess limited capacity for political agency. Nevertheless, signs of cultural resistance and the strengthening of intra-group identity awareness are observable.

Abstract The Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 marked a turning point in the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus region. During this conflict, Azerbaijan succeeded in regaining control over the surrounding areas of Nagorno-Karabakh after nearly three decades. Turkey’s role as a key regional actor was particularly significant. Unlike its approach in the First Nagorno-Karabakh War that limited to political support, Turkey adopted a more aggressive strategy in the second conflict, offering comprehensive political, military, and media support to Azerbaijan, thereby playing a crucial role in its victory.
The main question of this article is: what are the underlying causes of Turkey's aggressive approach during this conflict? To answer this question, the study employs the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism, which argues that the foreign policy behavior of states is not solely determined by the structure of the international system. Instead, structural factors are filtered through domestic variables such as elite perceptions, strategic culture, and internal political considerations.
Accordingly, the main hypothesis of the article is that structural factors such as Russia’s passivity, Western indifference toward resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and Turkey’s strategic alliance with Azerbaijan were interpreted and mediated by domestic factors including the consensus among Turkish political elites, a nationalist and Turkic-oriented discourse, the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) interest in maintaining political power, and economic motivations. These combined dynamics ultimately led Turkey to adopt an aggressive foreign policy posture in the conflict. The research method is qualitative, based on a descriptive-analytical approach.

Abstract Given the scarcity of water resources, the way transboundary rivers are managed and utilized can either serve as a foundation for inter-state cooperation or become a source of heightened tensions and conflict. The countries of Central Asia, due to their significant water resource constraints, are highly sensitive to any changes or developments affecting their water systems. Accordingly, considering the geographical and climatic conditions of Afghanistan and Central Asia, the shared rivers between these countries hold strategic importance and lie at the heart of the region’s political, economic, and security interactions.In recent years, the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan has reshaped the hydropolitical landscape of the region. The group’s new water-related policies—particularly projects such as the Qosh Tepa Canal—have sparked concerns among downstream states, especially Uzbekistan and Tajikistan.This study seeks to answer the central questions: How have the Taliban’s water policies impacted the hydropolitical balance in the region? What opportunities or threats do these developments pose for the future of regional water cooperation? The main hypothesis argues that the Taliban, leveraging Afghanistan’s geographical position and its non-compliance with binding international water regimes, is attempting to strengthen its strategic leverage through initiatives like the Qosh Tepa project.Employing hydropolitical theories, this research aims to explore the emerging dynamics of regional water interactions and to assess the prospects for either cooperation or conflict over water in Central Asia.

Abstract Abai Kunanbaiuly (1845–1904) was a prominent Kazakh thinker and poet of the nineteenth century. His seminal work, Words of Edification, is a wisdom-laden text that emerged amid Kazakhstan’s identity, cultural, and colonial crises. In forty-five Words, Abai articulates profound humanistic and ethical reflections. This study, employing a directed qualitative content analysis and a philosophical hermeneutic approach, seeks to demonstrate how Abai’s ideas on wisdom and knowledge in Words of Edification are intricately linked to the cultural identity of Kazakhs and the Intellectual Space of Central Asia in the nineteenth century. Accordingly, the central question of this research is: How does Abai, through redefining the concepts of wisdom and knowledge, respond to the Kazakh cultural identity and the Intellectual Space of Central Asia crisis and formulate a model of ethical-cultural subjectivity? Through analyzing selected passages, the article reveals that Abai was not only a poet and social reformer but also a morally grounded philosopher striving to cultivate the traits of a conscious human being amid an identity crisis in Central Asia. In Abai’s view, wisdom serves as a tool for discerning good from evil, while knowledge becomes a means for seeking truth and justice. These concepts connect to moral self-cultivation on the individual level, social reform on the communal level, and cultural identity reconstruction in the face of foreign domination on the historical level. Thus, Words of Edification is a multilayered text aimed at both personal identity and collective awakening, offering a model for nurturing the “wise and committed human.”

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